The Soft Power Role of Turkey in Somalia
Turkey has recently assumed a leading role in the international quest to help Somalia regain political stability and economic normalcy. This stems not only from its genuinely humanitarian concerns but also from its broader strategic interests in Africa.
Berouk Mesfin, Senior Researcher, Conflict Prevention and Risk Analysis Division, ISS Addis Ababa
Turkey has
suddenly and vigorously undertaken a series of initiatives to help Somalia out
of its dire political and economic crisis. Turkey’s first visible initiative
was organising a meeting of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) on 17
August 2011. The meeting was attended by 40 member states of the OIC and was
intended to support Somalia, which was
in the grip of a famine. It ended with a pledge to donate $350
million of humanitarian aid to Somalia.
Two days after this meeting, on 19 August, Turkish Prime Minister Recep
Erdogan visited Mogadishu. Against a backdrop of
volatile security, he brought with him his wife, his children, ministers, businessmen
and artists. The visit to Mogadishu was the
first by a non-African leader in two decades. The primary objective of the
visit was symbolic, as Turkey wanted to negate the perception that Mogadishu is
irreversibly insecure and a no-go area. The second objective was to draw
international attention to the need for more emergency humanitarian
assistance to Somalia.
By defying the apparently serious security risks – Al Shabaab was
only expelled from Mogadishu a week before, on 8 August – Erdogan’s visit was unquestionably a morale booster for
Somalis. As Somali political analyst Abdihakim Aynte argues, the visit ‘gave
unprecedented validity to the Turkish efforts and reinforced the popular theory
that Turkey is distinctly – and uniquely – a reliable fellow Muslim nation that
can create global awareness about Somalia’s plight’. In
September 2011, in his
speech during the General Debate of the 66th Session
of the UN General Assembly, Erdogan
also forcefully drew attention to the humanitarian catastrophe in
Somalia. The speech
further enhanced Turkey’s
reputation in Somalia as a trustworthy and respectful stakeholder. This fact
was not lost on more security-conscious and geopolitically competing regional
players used to bullying Somali political actors into submission.
Since Erdogan’s
audacious visit, the Turkish embassy in Mogadishu has been reopened and an
ambassador, Cemalettin Torun, who has practical experience in humanitarian
assistance, was speedily appointed. The challenges awaiting Torun are Herculean
as Turkey embarks upon a major reconstruction programme in Somalia. It will
rebuild the greatly damaged road from Mogadishu airport to the city centre and plans
to build hospitals and rehabilitate existing medical facilities. It also plans
to build a waste-disposal facility in Mogadishu and to provide trucks to remove
the city’s uncollected garbage. Schools run by Turks have opened up in
Mogadishu and hundreds of university scholarships have been provided for
Somalis to study in Turkey.
Moreover, the
Turkish Red Crescent established an Internally
Displaced Persons’ site where food is distributed and shelters are built. It is
also digging water wells and plans to
support the construction of an urban water system in Mogadishu. Turkish aid workers work and move safely in Mogadishu and no major
attacks have directly targeted them. Yet, the terrorist blast in Mogadishu on 4
October 2011, which killed more than 70 Somalis, apparently targeted students queuing up to apply for Turkish scholarships.
Turkey provided medical care in the wake of this
dreadful attack, which showed that not all sides in Somalia appreciate Turkey’s
involvement.
Lastly, Turkish
Airlines has become the first major non-African airline in 21 years to operate
regular flights to Mogadishu. The flights are operated twice a week from
Istanbul to Mogadishu via Khartoum, Sudan’s capital. The stated objective of
the flights is to reconnect Somalia to the rest of the world and to make it
easier for the large Somali diaspora scattered across the world to go back to
Somalia. Turkey’s Deputy Prime Minister Bekir Bozdağ arrived in Mogadishu on 6
March 2012 to launch the first Turkish Airlines flight. Bozdağ’s visit was also
intended to assess how best to manage and implement Turkey’s assistance to
Somalia.
It can be asked what the real purpose is of these mostly unilateral
initiatives, and of Turkey’s dynamism in Somalia. Will Turkey’s aspirations lead to misrepresentations and to
unintended consequences in Somalia, including stirring resentment from Al
Shabaab? Does Turkey adequately understand the divisions, strains and ploys in
Somalia’s polarised politics? Will Turkey’s credibility and popularity in
Somalia plummet if the implementation of its reconstruction programme proves
sluggish? Is Turkey just a
selfless and compassionate Muslim state carrying out
an unconditional mission of humanity in another Muslim state that is
suffering? Is Turkey only trying to rekindle its historical relations with
Somalia that go back to the Ottoman Empire, which had, at the height of its
power in the 16th century, occupied parts of Somalia that were then
added to its territory?
All these
practical questions need to be answered. But onlookers should avoid premature
judgments about the nature and durability of Turkey’s motives and calculations on
the probability of measurable success in terms of its initiatives on the ground.
Only time will tell.
One undeniable
fact is that because of the active role it has
assumed in Somalia, Turkey has, at least according to anecdotal
evidence, won broad acceptance among the usually hyper-suspicious Somalis. A
prominent Somali living and working in Mogadishu, for example, very
enthusiastically told the author of this article that ‘Somalis love Turks and what they’re doing’. It is also noteworthy
that its diplomatic efforts in Somalia presented Turkey with an important
opportunity to illustrate its soft power in Africa. It is certainly an
indication of Turkey’s foreign policy ambition to become a major
economic and political player in Africa.
Indeed,
Turkey announced in 2003 its new and more assertive foreign policy
towards Africa, which was fast-tracked by Erdogan’s 2005 high-profile visits to
South Africa and Ethiopia. Since these unprecedented visits, Turkey has secured
an observer status at the African Union, which now considers Turkey a strategic
partner. In 2008, Turkey organised the Turkey-Africa
Cooperation Summit. Fifty African states attended the summit,
which adequately demonstrated Turkey’s outreach to Africa. In the same year and looking
ahead, Turkey also established new embassies in Africa. The total number of
Turkish embassies on the continent will reach 33 by 2012.
These embassies will all be tasked with identifying
opportunities for trade and investment and establishing a long-term Turkish
presence on the continent. Just as for other emerging economic powers such as
India, Brazil and China, Africa possesses untapped natural resources that are
important for Turkish industries. African states could also provide large and
fast-growing markets for Turkish products. Moreover, in its global pursuit of
diplomatic allies, Turkey’s outreach to Africa has largely paid off. Indeed, in
2009 Turkey depended on Africa’s 54 members of the UN General Assembly to win a
seat as a non-permanent member on the UN Security Council, which it may seek to
win again in 2015.