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Oct 2006 | Issue 008
Welcome to the eighth issue of the African Terrorism Bulletin, a
quarterly newsletter produced by the Organised Crime and Money
Laundering Programme of the Institute for Security Studies (ISS). The
aim is to provide balanced information, analysis and critical
perspectives regarding news on terrorism and counter-terrorism
strategies in Africa.
The information in this and future issues will be based on ‘open source’
information. Commenting on developments relating to terrorism remains a
sensitive issue. The Bulletin endeavours to steer through the different
agendas that form part of the discourse on terrorism in a critical and
balanced way. Different sections of the Bulletin focus on terrorism in
the news, state responses and critical perspectives. Most of the
information focuses on Africa, yet, due to the transnational nature of
the phenomenon, issues from further afield are not ignored.
Comments, contributions and critiques from our readers are encouraged.
Please feel free to pass this newsletter on to anyone who you think may
be interested in its content. To subscribe or comment, please send an
e-mail to [email protected]
The newsletter celebrates its third birthday!
The chicken and the egg: Terrorism and counter-terrorism in Africa
Kampala to hunt down LRA
The water is boiling over: Somali Islamists declare Jihad
CIA outsources to mercenaries in Somalia
Swamp terror: Delta crisis continues
Questions remain unanswered: South Africa and Apartheid terror
Boeremag judge stays on
Algerian GSPC joins al Qaeda
Kenya’s Muslims protest against anti-terror police
Egypt: Bumper arrests of Islamists
Moroccan terror probe continues
Weapon of terror?
UN General Assembly adopts global counter-terrorism strategy
Rwanda to lead counter-terrorism efforts
The long shadow of terror: Algerians question government amnesty
Africa adopts draft strategy against terrorist financing
Banks to freeze accounts in clampdown on money laundering
Zimbabwe state terror intensifies
Terrorism: The illusive definition
New CD Rom on corruption, money laundering, organised crime and terrorism
Compendium of international and regional legal anti-terror instruments
ISS vacancies: Office Director/Project Head and Senior Researcher, Addis Ababa
The newsletter celebrates its third birthday!
The
African Terrorism Bulletin celebrates its third birthday with this
eighth issue. When looking back at past issues, it is interesting to
note that the rhetoric and discourse around terrorism in Africa has
changed very little.
In the very first issue of the newsletter, the lack of a universally
applicable definition was raised. It was noted that despite Africa
having being the stage for a wide array of terror incidents long before
9/11, consensus on what constitutes terrorism seems an unattainable
goal. Africa has long suffered the ill effects of colonial terror and
other forms of state-sponsored, domestic and state terror. Yet the
‘Algiers Convention’ (short for the OAU Convention for the Combating and
Prevention of Terrorist Activities) excludes the activities of state
parties from its definition of ‘terrorist activities’. The current issue
of African Terrorism Bulletin again raises ‘state terrorism’ and its
exclusion from many definitions of terrorism. Be sure to look out for
the Critical perspectives section.
Some scholars point to Africa as a lethal combination of corrupt and
destructive leaders, porous and unmonitored borders and impoverished
peoples, which renders it a so-called breeding ground for terrorism
(refer to the second issue of the African Terrorism Bulletin). Of
course, one of the fundamental shortcomings of this argument is that it
fails to differentiate between individual countries on the
continent-instead treating it as a landmass as opposed to 54 sovereign
states. For every Zimbabwe, Ivory Coast and Sudan, there is also a
Senegal, South Africa, Mauritius and Botswana. The crux of the debate is
that countries with weak governments and failing economies may become
safe havens and fertile breeding grounds for terrorists. Thus, the
absence of effective policing structures coupled with rampant corruption
is believed to allow terrorists to exist without fear of detection. It
is further suggested that poor people are more susceptible to
recruitment into terrorist organisations than rich people. A look at
al-Qaeda and its millionaire leader Osama bin Laden disproves this
argument.
Yet, the flawed theory of the fertile breeding ground for terrorism
seems to have graduated into a new foreign policy prerogative in the
US-led ‘War on Terror’. This was echoed at a recent conference on
international terrorism in Africa (refer to this issue’s TOP STORY).
It remains unclear whether the interest of certain developed nations in
fighting the terrorist scourge in Africa is, strictly speaking, exactly
that, or whether access to and control over the continent’s rich oil
reserves and other natural resources are disguised as efforts to stymie
‘terrorism’.
Many issues of this newsletter have alluded to the abuse of
counter-terrorism laws to crack down on opposition parties and political
foes in some African countries (though this is not restricted to
Africa). Serious human rights abuses have been perpetrated in the name
of counter-terrorism, while draconian anti-terror laws undermine basic
civil liberties. This issue reports that Egyptian security forces have
yet again arrested close to 100 terror suspects with alleged links to
radical Islamist groupings. Similar attempts at dismantling alleged
terror networks have been made in Morocco, while authorities there
continue to deny the alleged existence of US terrorist interrogation and
detention centres within the country’s borders. Meanwhile Zimbabwe has
withdrawn the Suppression of Foreign and International Terrorism Bill,
as some clauses were deemed unconstitutional. However, the Interception
of Communication Bill, similar in its limitations of certain civil
liberties including freedom of expression, is set to be signed into law
in the next few weeks. The Act will allow law enforcement and
intelligence agencies to monitor all types of communication.
With this short reminiscent reflection on the first three years of the
African Terrorism Bulletin, the editorial team would like to recommend
to readers the upcoming issue of the African Security Review. Entitled
“African Perspectives on the International Terrorism Discourse”, the
entire issue is devoted to critical reflections on terrorism and
counter-terrorism in Africa. Eminent African scholars and researchers
have contributed papers on various aspects of the terrorism debate.
Download the African Security Review here
Find all the editions of the African Terrorism Bulletin
The chicken and the egg: Terrorism and counter-terrorism in Africa
29
August 2006 – Africa is set to become the new battleground in the War
on Terror (WOT). As was heard at a recent conference in Johannesburg,
al-Qaeda has allegedly moved into Africa to exploit its natural
resources in a bid to acquire funds and to recruit new jihadists from
the continent’s impoverished peoples. With its proximity to the Middle
East, weak governments, porous borders and large Muslim communities,
Africa is perceived to offer both refuge and a safe haven for terrorists
to train and operate. David Radcliffe, regional director for Africa in
the office of the US Secretary of Defence, noted that Africa was not
immune to terrorist attacks and that embassies, multinational companies
and AU and UN missions were likely targets. The old idea of Africa as a
breeding ground for terrorism because of bad governance, radicalism and
opposition to Western policies was suggested at the same conference.
Of concern to the US is the Sahel region where it is believed terrorists
took refuge after the fall of the Taliban in Afghanistan. The US claims
that there is a ‘terrorist infestation’ in the region. Similarly,
terror groups are believed to have a large fundraising presence in West
Africa, particularly in Guinea, Sierra Leone and Liberia. Both West
Africa and the Sahel are set to supply more than 25% of the US’s
hydrocarbons by 2015 and are thus likewise considered by the US to be of
strategic interest. Fundraising and recruiting are also said to be
problematic in South Africa and N igeria. However, the Horn of Africa,
with the ongoing battle for state control in Somalia, is considered
especially worrisome. The US accuses the Somali Islamists of having
links to al-Qaeda and fears Somalia will become a new Afghanistan-style
terrorist haven.
In turn, the Pentagon is moving towards the creation of a new military
command responsible for Africa in order to better monitor the continent.
While there has been no official decision, the US is preparing to
transfer most of its servicemen and servicewomen stationed in Europe to
Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia and already has 2,000 personnel in the Horn
of Africa at a base in Djibouti, under the auspices of the Combined Joint Task Force.
This task force is charged with detecting and disrupting terrorist
schemes in the region. There is also a strong presence in the Sahel
under the auspices of the $500 million Trans-Sahara Counter-Terrorism Initiative,
through which America provides military equipment, expertise and
training to Chad, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco,
Senegal and N igeria. Small groups of US Special Forces are already
traversing the hinterlands of more than a dozen countries in the Sahel,
Sahara and the Horn of Africa, training and equipping local troops to
combat Islamists. Small civil affairs units are travelling to remote
villages to dispense medical care, dig wells and build schools while
identifying watering holes and potential terrorist camp sites and
establishing links with local peoples. This approach was used by the US
during the Cold War, notably in El Salvador. Now referred to as the Salvador Option, it aims to undermine insurgencies long before they can threaten local governments allied to the US.
Some analysts, however, argue that America has used the WOT to
militarize Africa under compliant, often despotic leaders so as to
ensure both their alliance in the WOT and US access to the continent’s
natural resources. They argue, moreover, that such a military-centric
approach will only breed radicalism where it otherwise hardly exists.
The proposed command will most likely be headquartered in West Africa,
with some suggesting Sao Tome and Principe in the Gulf of Guinea – the
two-island nation is considered ideal, being both offshore and near to
oil reserves.
Read the Mail & Guardian article
Read the Mail & Guardian article
Read the Mail & Guardian article
Read the iafrica.com article
Read the Foreign Policy in Focus article
Read the Asia Times article
Kampala to hunt down LRA
4
October 2006 – After the end of the ceasefire requiring LRA rebels to
assemble at designated locations in southern Sudan, the Ugandan army
announced that it was resuming operations to hunt down those who had
failed to do so. The LRA had been given three weeks to assemble at the
camps in return for amnesty from the Kampala government. According to
army sources, LRA fighters were in fact moving away from the assembly
points. While peace negotiations to end the conflict have been marred by
repeated walk-outs, the army insisted that the resumption of operations
had nothing to do with the peace process and should not hinder further
negotiations. The announcement followed earlier decisions by regional
intelligence chiefs to hunt down terrorist groups like the LRA, as well
as by the International Criminal Court to not lift standing arrest
warrants for LRA leaders as part of a possible peace deal. In response,
the LRA halted their participation in the peace talks in protest of the
deployment of Ugandan troops in southern Sudan and the DRC. The
government denied the deployment of troops to the DRC, but it noted that
Ugandan troops had permission to be deployed in southern Sudan by
virtue of an agreement with Khartoum.
Meanwhile, Francis Rwego, the Deputy Inspector General of Police, warned
that the rebel group in the west of the country, the Allied Democratic
Front (ADF), was re-grouping and continued to constitute a threat. He
urged local Ugandans to be vigilant and co-operate in supplying
intelligence to government agencies.
Read the Reuters article
Read the New Vision article
Read the New Vision article
Read the BBC News report
The water is boiling over: Somali Islamists declare Jihad
9
October 2006 – The Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) declared jihad against
Ethiopia after the town of Buur Haqaba was attacked and briefly held by
a combined Ethiopian and Transitional Federal Government (TFG) force.
After weeks of reports of Ethiopian military personnel providing
assistance to the TFG and the UIC urging the international community to
persuade Ethiopia to withdraw its forces, the Islamists accused Ethiopia
of having invaded Somalia. The announcement was made by a visibly angry
Sheikh Sharif Ahmed, otherwise known as a moderate within the UIC.
Arguing that the Ethiopians had up to 35,000 troops inside Somalia, UIC
leaders declared Ethiopian actions to be that of clear war. They again
ordered the Ethiopians to leave Somali territory. Ethiopia, seen as
America’s proxy in the region, continued to deny that its troops were
deployed in Somalia.
As the UIC has acquired control of much of the south of the country,
including the southern port of Kismayo, 500km from Mogadishu, so
tensions have mounted in the region. While the TFG calls for foreign
intervention and a peacekeeping force, the UIC remains firmly opposed to
any deployment of foreign troops. Despite both sides attending talks in
Khartoum and reaching some agreement, the process has seemingly been
rendered null and void in the face of wider geopolitical interests in
seeing the TFG secured and the UIC marginalized. The situation
intensified with a botched assassination attempt against President
Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed, in which a car bomb outside the Parliament
building in Baidoa killed 11 people and injured at least 18. The Foreign
Minister, Ismail Hurre Buba, stated that the nature of the attack was
typical of al-Qaeda. The TFG has since become more virulent in its calls
for foreign intervention, arguing that al-Qaeda was involved in the
attack and should the international community fail to act, Somalia would
become a terrorist haven. The UIC, however, has denied any involvement.
With the UIC’s declaration of jihad against Ethiopia, it would appear as
though the water has finally boiled over in the region, with the likely
result that the Horn will descend into all out war.
Read the Mail & Guardian article
Read the Mail & Guardian article
Read the al-Jazeera article
Read the New Vision article
Read the BBC News report
Read the story in the last African Terrorism Bulletin
CIA outsources to mercenaries in Somalia
10
September 2006 – Evidence that America is involved in illegal mercenary
operations in Somalia has emerged via a number of leaked e-mails
between private US military companies (PMCs). Dated 16 June 2006, the
e-mails suggest that the CIA is aware of plans to run covert operations
in support of President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed and the TFG against the
UIC. (The UIC rose to power by defeating the US-backed warlords and
capturing Mogadishu on 5 June 2006.) These operations are to be run by
Select Armor and ATS Worldwide, two US PMCs. The e-mails further suggest
that a number of British PMCs will possibly become involved as well.
More specifically, they refer to a meeting with Yusuf in Nairobi; the
granting of carte blanche to Select Armor to use three bases in
Somalia and the air access to reach them; the Ugandan government’s
willingness to assist in securing arms supplies for any operation; the
option for funding for operations to be secured from the US State
Department and the Department of Defence; and state that the CIA have
been kept informed of all of the above. The e-mails likewise claim to
have all UN agencies on side in their support of the transitional
government and claim that Select Armor had secured meetings with several
UN representatives. As reported by Africa Confidential, UN personnel in Nairobi were told that the operation had the full support of the US government.
Read the Observer article
Read the World Socialist article
Swamp terror: Delta crisis continues
August/September/October
2006 – In an attempt to clamp down on terrorism and hostage taking in
the Niger Delta, the government of Niger has ordered the police and the
army to hunt down ‘militants’ in the region. The government also
approved a new anti-terrorism bill, which allows it to ban organisations
and arrest members of rebel groups. As per the bill, terrorism is
defined so broadly as to include kidnapping and attacks on oil
infrastructure. In further developments, the military intensified its
crackdown in the Delta. However, terror is seemingly begetting terror
rather than eliminating it. After one soldier was killed in a shootout
with militants in Port Harcourt, the army responded by burning hundreds
of slum houses in the area and later arresting 15 individuals on charges
of terrorising the region. Following a massive attack on the Shell
Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) oil facility by the Joint
Revolutionary Council (comprising the Niger Delta Peoples Volunteer
Force, the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta and the
Martyrs Brigade), the killing of 14 soldiers and the kidnapping of 25
workers, the military used helicopter gunships and gunboats in the
Delta’s web of creeks and swamps to carry out a series of destructive
raids on suspected militant areas.
Since the beginning of the year, 50 foreign oil workers have been
kidnapped. Most recently, a SPDC flow station was seized by rebel
forces, who took 60 workers hostage. The seemingly endless attacks,
kidnappings (by both rebels and organised criminals) and increasing
clashes between the military and the rebels have resulted in oil
workers’ unions going on a three-day strike in protest against the
worsening insecurity. The SPDC, alone, has been forced to close dozens
of oil wells and rigs and evacuate workers. It is argued that the
violence will increase as the country’s 2007 elections draw near.
According to a recent report by the International Crisis Group,
politicians have begun to align themselves with various rebel groups –
with these groups receiving money from those they claim to be fighting
against. The profits from oil theft are likewise being funnelled to
criminal gangs affiliated with politicians.
Read the News24 article
Read the BBC News report
Read the BBC News report
Read the Mail and Guardian article
Download the International Crisis Group report
Questions remain unanswered: South Africa and Apartheid terror
28
August 2006 – Former Apartheid Minister of Law and Order, Adriaan Vlok,
performed an act of atonement by washing the feet of former
anti-apartheid activist and current Director-General of the Presidency,
Rev. Frank Chikane. Vlok is alleged to have attempted to have had the
then-head of the South African Council of Churches assassinated in 1989.
Vlok apologised and asked forgiveness for the atrocities committed by
the police under his command without, however, admitting to any specific
incidences or human rights violations. Chikane accepted his apology,
describing Vlok’s gesture as genuine. However, for many former victims
of those atrocities Vlok’s apology, while commendable, was insufficient.
Many instead called for full disclosure regarding the still unanswered
questions concerning responsibility for apartheid human rights abuses.
Vlok maintains that he has nothing further to disclose, insisting that
he generally did not know the specific details of police operations.
Vlok`s actions have reminded both South Africa and the region of
questions left answered during the Truth and Reconciliation Commission
regarding apartheid terror. Such questions not only relate to
accountability but also to the whereabouts of the bodies of hundreds of
activists who disappeared. Mozambican president, Armando Guebuza,
likewise called for the reasons behind former President Samora Machel`s
death to be clarified. Machel died in a plane crash, largely believed to
have been orchestrated by the apartheid military. A new South African
investigation was launched at the beginning of 2006 but has yet to come
to any conclusions. Nevertheless, in the wake of Vlok`s apology, a
support group for former perpetrators has reported a surge of enquiries
by former security personnel seeking help and atonement for their
crimes.
Read the Mail & Guardian article
Read the Mail & Guardian article
Read the IOL article
Read the Cape Argus article
Read the transcript of the Carte Blanche interview with Adriaan Vlok
Boeremag judge stays on
15
September 2006 – In further news from South Africa, two of the 22
accused in the Boeremag treason trial, brothers Wilhelm and Johan
Pretorius, applied for Judge Eben Jordaan to recuse himself from the
trial given their concern that he was biased. Judge Jordaan dismissed
the application, stating that he would provide reasons at a later time.
The brothers’ fellow accused stated that they were neither party to nor
supported the application. Overall, the 22 have denied guilt on 42
charges including treason, terrorism and murder in relation to an
alleged right-wing coup plot aimed at overthrowing the ANC government.
Two of the accused, Herman van Rooyen and Rudi Gouws, are still at large
after having escaped from police cells at the Pretoria High Court in
May earlier this year.
Read the Mail & Guardian article
Read the Cape Argus article
Algerian GSPC joins al Qaeda
14
September 2006 – The Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC),
Algeria`s primary Islamist group, announced that it has joined al-Qaeda.
GSPC leader Abd al-Malek Droudkel, also known as Abu Musab
Abdel-Wadoud, made the announcement in a statement posted on the GSPC
website. Reaffirming the GSPC`s allegiance to Osama bin Laden, Droudkel
vowed to continue the GSPC jihad in Algeria under bin Laden`s
leadership. He urged other Islamist groups to follow suit, arguing that
the US could be defeated if jihadist movements united. The announcement
was preceded by the release of a video on the anniversary of 9/11 of
al-Qaeda deputy Ayman al-Zawahiri, in which he called for the GSPC to
punish American and French Crusaders. Algerian security services have
dismissed the announcement, though, stating that while the GSPC remained
a concern east of Algiers and in the south, the organization lacked the
capacity to conduct significant attacks. However, despite only several
hundred remaining at large nationally, the GSPC’s presence and activity
in the porous border zones of the south result in the organisation
continuing to be seen as a regional threat.
Read the al-Jazeera article
Read the Mail & Guardian article
Read the Reuters article
Kenya’s Muslims protest against anti-terror police
30
September 2006 – Muslims took to the streets of Nairobi in protest
against the Anti-Terrorism Police Unit. Amid ongoing allegations of
harassment and victimisation by the unit, the demonstrators presented a
letter to the police commissioner calling for the controversial unit’s
disbanding. However, it is unlikely the community’s calls will be
answered as the government continues to step up anti-terrorism measures.
In an attempt to contain terrorist-linked activities in and around the
Mombassa Port, the Kenya Port Authority will be implementing various
improvements in maritime security measures. Surveillance and detection
mechanisms will be improved and there will be more effective patrolling
of the port area by the police.
Read the Kenya Times article
Read the East African Standard article
Read the story in the last African Terrorism Bulletin
Egypt: Bumper arrests of Islamists
3
September 2006 – Egyptian security services have arrested more than 90
people suspected of links to radical Islamist groups. Seventy were
arrested in Alexandria, with the remainder being detained in Damanhour, a
town in the Nile Delta. According to their lawyer, Mamdouh Ismail, the
arrests were due to their having consulted Islamist websites associated
with militant groups. The arrests were preceded by a large manhunt in
the south Sinai peninsula for five people who had reportedly entered
Egypt on forged passports with the aim of carrying out terrorist attacks
on holiday resorts in the area. The search was launched after Israel’s
Counter-Terrorism Bureau issued a statement instructing all Israelis
visiting the peninsula to leave immediately. The resorts in the area
have been major terror targets in recent years. In October 2004, a
series of explosions killed 34 people in an attack on the Taba resort;
this was followed by attacks on the Sharm el-Sheikh resort in July 2005
and on the Dahab resort in April this year. In relation to the Taba
attack, Egypt’s state security court recently sentenced three men to
death over their involvement in the bombings. However, the men have
denied the charges and said that they confessed under torture. The three
are said to be members of a local Islamist group, Tawhid wal Jihad,
which is also thought to be responsible for the Sharm el-Sheikh and
Dahab attacks.
Read the Mail & Guardian article
Read the People’s Daily Online article
Read the Reuters article
Moroccan terror probe continues
1
September 2006 – Moroccan security services continued to dismantle the
Jammaat Ansar El Mehdi terrorist network with the total number of
arrests rising to 56. Security services used the arrests of members of
an alleged cell to justify their much criticised counter-terrorism
campaign. Officials claimed that the cell was at the centre of a plot to
infiltrate the police and armed forces. However, analysts argued that
the inclusion of soldiers, police and four women (two of whom were the
wives of state airline pilots) among those arrested, suggested that
Islamic extremism in Morocco was moving in a new direction –
specifically, from the poor and illiterate in the slums to the middle
classes. Mohammed Darif, professor at the University of Mohammedia,
noted that the women’s roles were most likely connected to the financing
of the cell and that their involvement was indicative of the broadening
appeal of extremism.
Moreover, the state continues to deny that it houses CIA ‘black prisons’
or interrogation centres. With US President George Bush acknowledging
that these prisons exist, local human rights groups again demanded that
the Moroccan government admit that some are in Morocco. The Moroccan
Human Rights Association declared that it could not accept that in the
name of America’s WOT, human rights could be violated and torture
practised on Moroccan soil. Similarly, in allying itself to the US, the
state was in danger of alienating a large proportion of its own
population.
Read the International Herald Tribune article
Read the International Herald Tribune article
Read the BBC News report
Read the story in the last African Terrorism Bulletin
Weapon of terror?
6
October 2006 – Concerned that the Islamic women’s veil could be used as
a rallying cry for terrorism, the Moroccan government has removed
images of women wearing headscarves from religious education textbooks.
The move forms part of wider changes by the government in terms of
religious education to curb anything that might ‘fan the flames of
fundamentalism’. The headscarf is considered by policymakers to be a
potent political symbol representing an Islam resistant to secularism
and democracy. Similarly, in Tunisia, girls wearing the scarf are being
harassed and forced to remove their scarves at schools and universities.
However, while denying this, the government argues that it is
encouraging women to dress modestly in line with traditional Tunisian
dress. Regardless, increasing numbers of women are reported to be
wearing the scarf, with some arguing that it is an act of defiance
against autocratic regimes.
Read the BBC News report
Read the BBC News report
UN General Assembly adopts global counter-terrorism strategy
8
September 2006 – The UN General Assembly adopted a resolution on a
comprehensive strategy to combat international terrorism. Despite
consensus on the resolution`s adoption, a number of members regretted
that the strategy fails to include a definition of terrorism, makes no
reference to state terrorism and fails to distinguish between terrorism
and the legitimate rights of people to determine their own future and
resist foreign occupation. South Africa, for example, stated its
continuing concerns regarding the strategy`s failure to address state
terrorism, extrajudicial killings, extraordinary rendition and illegal
detention. It was likewise argued by a number of states that without a
clear definition of terrorism, the strategy was open to interpretation
in terms of implementation and could thus too easily be abused for
political purposes. More specifically, Syria noted that the strategy was
not an alternative to a comprehensive definition of terrorism.
Read the UN press release
Download the UN`s Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy
Rwanda to lead counter-terrorism efforts
12
September 2006 – Rwanda has been chosen by several African countries to
lead counter-terrorism efforts for the next year. Part of an initiative
begun in 2004, which established a mechanism to counter terror
activities in the region, Rwanda’s new role came into effect at the
third Regional Counter Terrorism Summit in Kigali. Rwanda’s selection
reflects the key role the country plays in the security of the region.
Speaking at the summit, Rwandan President Paul Kagame stated that
strategies and reflections on combating terrorism needed to form part of
Africa’s development agenda and that efforts had to be placed within
each country’s specific national context and that of the region. He
further argued that collecting and analysing information, information
exchange and improving intelligence operation systems needed to be
prioritised. In turn, it was agreed by the participating countries to
share intelligence that will contribute to the arrest, extradition and
prosecution of terror suspects. The summit was attended by 16 countries:
Botswana, Burundi, Chad, Comoros, Djibouti, DRC, Egypt, Eritrea,
Ethiopia, Kenya, Madagascar, Rwanda, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda and Zambia.
Security officials from South Africa, America, China, the UK and the
European Union attended as observers.
Read the New Times article
Read the New Times article
Read the New Times article
The long shadow of terror: Algerians question government amnesty
17
September 2006 – In terms of the national reconciliation programme
implemented by the Algerian government, the offer of amnesty in exchange
for the setting aside of weapons expired on 31 August. While it may
yet be extended, the programme saw approximately 2,500 prisoners
convicted or accused of terrorism going free. Terrorism commonly
involved the targeting of civilians and the annihilation of whole
villages in an attempt to weaken support for the government. Despite
being accused of a vicious terror campaign of its own, involving
systemic torture and the disappearance of more than 8,000 civilians, the
Algerian security services are also covered by the amnesty. However,
while many Algerians support the amnesty and say they are ready to
forgive, they remain dissatisfied that they will never receive any truth
regarding the atrocities that occurred and that the amnesty is serving
only to entrench a culture of impunity.
Read the Washington Post article
Africa adopts draft strategy against terrorist financing
20
September 2006 – A number of African countries have adopted the African
Development Bank`s draft Strategy for the Prevention of Money
Laundering and Terrorism Financing in Africa. The bank is to offer
technical and financial assistance to curb money laundering and the
financing of terrorism. It will facilitate capacity building and support
research on the nature of money laundering and terrorism financing
activities and their impact on financial institutions. The bank will
likewise maintain an internet-based electronic database of legislations,
relevant documents, technical assistance tools and best practices. The
strategy will be ready for implementation in the first quarter of 2007.
Read the Daily News article
Banks to freeze accounts in clampdown on money laundering
3
October 2006 – South African banks are set to freeze the accounts of
customers who have not yet identified themselves as required by the
Financial Intelligence Centre Act (FICA). As an integral part of the
clampdown on money laundering in the financial services sector,
customers were to identify themselves and provide proof of address to
their respective banks. The deadline for doing so for low-risk customers
(where the likeliness of money laundering was considered low) expired
on 30 September 2006. Banks froze accounts of high and medium-risk
customers when the respective deadlines expired. Accounts remain frozen
until customers come forward to identify themselves.
Read the Business Day article
Zimbabwe state terror intensifies
August/September/October
2006. Whether it be through repressive legislation or brute police
force, state terror in Zimbabwe has further intensified. After conceding
that some of the clauses under the Suppression of Foreign and
International Terrorism Bill were unconstitutional, the first version of
the Bill was withdrawn. A revised draft version will be introduced
shortly. Meanwhile, the Interception of Communication Bill is set to be
signed into law despite it clashing with constitutionally enshrined
civil liberties. Aimed at further narrowing the space for freedom of
expression in Zimbabwe, the latter will allow the military, intelligence
services, police and the office of the President to monitor e-mail
correspondence, eavesdrop on telephone conversations, censor internet
access and intercept private and confidential information.
Moreover, the police have been accused of torturing more than a dozen
trade union leaders who were arrested after attempting to stage a
protest on 13 September 2006 against the country’s deepening economic
crisis. Many are reported to have had limbs broken and all were refused
medical and legal assistance for nearly 48 hours. The Human Rights Forum
stated that the case was indicative of the rampant violence and abuse
inflicted by the government on critics of the regime and that torture is
both widespread and systematic. President Robert Mugabe responded that
those who were assaulted and tortured deserved their treatment.
Read the Mail & Guardian article
Read the Zimbabwe Independent article
Download the Interception of Communication Bill, 2006
Read the Guardian article
Read the BBC News report
Read the story in the last African Terrorism Bulletin
Terrorism: The illusive definition
When
the likes of South Africa and Syria criticized the UN’s new strategy to
counter terrorism, their qualms centred on the strategy’s definition of
terrorism or rather, its lack thereof. Passing a resolution on how to
fight terrorism without defining it is problematic, to say the least. On
what grounds do we declare activities to be terrorist in nature? And
who makes the final decision as to whether something amounts to
terrorism or not? Does it follow that in implementing the UN strategy,
governments may determine who and what terrorists, terrorist
organisations and terrorism are? While the definition of terrorism
remains open to broad interpretation, counter-terrorism provides
opportunities for abuse.
Moreover, what of state terrorism? Neither the UN’s strategy nor the
African Union’s definition of terrorism make reference to it and leading
academics dispute whether state terrorism constitutes terrorism
at all. Louise Richardson argues that terrorism is a tactic used by
sub-state or sub-national groups and not by states. According to this
Harvard academic, the defining feature of terrorism is the deliberate
and violent targeting of civilians for political purposes. Paul
Wilkinson argues that terrorism can be used by minorities, by states as a
tool of domestic and foreign policy and by belligerents as an
additional weapon in all stages of warfare. If one accepts that
terrorism is a tactic, then it follows that it should be available to
both governments and to sub-state/domestic groups. Wilkinson also argues
that state terrorism has been vastly more lethal than that carried out
by factional (sub-state) groups and that it has often been an antecedent
to, and contributory cause of, factional terrorism.
Both sides of the argument agree that terrorism is a tactic. Yet
Richardson maintains that terrorism is a tactic open to some but not to
others. This seems absurd. Actors are deemed to be making use of a
tactic or method of warfare based not on their actions but rather their
nature, whether they are states or non-state entities. The lack of a
clear definition and the absence of state terrorism as part of any
understanding of terrorism have resulted in nations interpreting
terrorism in ways that serve their own political purposes. It gives
states facing violent challenges, even those based on legitimate
grievances, the benefit of the moral doubt. States are perceived to be
fighting for the common good and thus can employ whatever means they
deem necessary to do so. This has often led to the deliberate and
violent targeting of civilians by governments for political purposes, as
was seen in apartheid South Africa, in Pinochet`s Chile and in Saddam
Hussein’s Iraq. As Conor Gearty argues, the lack of a finite definition
has thus allowed for the language of terrorism to become “the rhetorical
servant of the established order”. It is used to delegitimise certain
groups and legitimise the actions against them. It has allowed the likes
of the US, Britain and Israel to alter the meaning of terrorism to
enable them to commit terrorist acts with impunity.
To deny state terrorism as part of any understanding or definition of
terrorism provides for an incomplete understanding of a method of
warfare that has been used since the beginning of time by a variety of
actors, states and non-states, whether called terrorism or not. It is a
dangerous enterprise to exempt some actors from being able to conduct
terrorism merely because it is analytically and politically convenient.
Read a review of Louise Richardson’s What Terrorists Want. Understanding the Terrorist Threat
Download Paul Wilkinson’s paper “Observations on the New Terrorism” as was presented to the UK Foreign Affairs Committee
Download Jeffrey Record’s report “Bounding the Global War on Terrorism”
Read the Ohmy News article
Read the Non-Aligned Movement’s understanding of terrorism – see Final Document, paragraphs 118-119
Download Conor Gearty’s paper
New CD Rom on corruption, money laundering, organised crime and terrorism
This
new multimedia publication provides a legislative overview on
corruption, money laundering, organised crime and terrorism in southern
Africa. Researchers, decision makers, legal drafters and other
interested parties can access relevant country legislation as well as
the relevant international and regional legal instruments and model
legislation.
Available online here
Compendium of international and regional legal anti-terror instruments
This
compendium, which was compiled and made available by the United Nations
Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), compises international and regional
instruments that relate to the prevention and combating of terrorism.
The IGAD Capacity Building Program Against Terrorism (ICPAT), an
initiative of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) with
the technical assistance of the ISS, is using the compendium to provide
technical support that is needed in the region for signing, ratifying
and acceeding to the relevant international and regional conventions and
protocols.
Available online here
ISS vacancies: Office Director/Project Head and Senior Researcher, Addis Ababa
The
ISS has two vacancies available in its office in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
The closing date for applications is 3 November 2006.
Please refer to the ISS website for further details.
Download the advertisements
Please inform us of upcoming terrorism-related meetings, seminars,
workshops, conferences, publications and other developments by sending a
message to [email protected]
The
Institute for Security Studies (ISS) is an applied policy non-profit
research organisation with a focus on human security issues on the
African continent.
This newsletter is produced by the Organised Crime and Money Laundering
Programme of the Institute for Security Studies and funded by the Royal
Norwegian Government.
Annette Hübschle (Researcher: Organised Crime and Money Laundering Programme) – [email protected]
Anita Gossmann (ISS Research Intern)
Institute for Security Studies
67 Roeland Street, Drury Lane, Gardens, Cape Town 8001, South Africa
Tel +27 (0)21 461-7211 • Fax +27 (0)21 461-7213
www.issafrica.org • [email protected]
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