Somaliland Elections: A Potential Derailment of Peace?
Protracted conflict has turned Somalia into an impoverished nation and a failed state with an entire generation knowing war as the most common means of social interaction.
Protracted conflict has turned Somalia into an impoverished nation
and a failed state with an entire generation knowing war as the most
common means of social interaction. In stark contrast, the breakaway
Republic of Somaliland is an island of stability compared to war-torn
south/central Somalia. Despite having never received legal recognition
by the international community, Somaliland has been able to arrive at a
level of stability that is unknown to south/central Somalia for the last
two decades.
Due to an inclusive, grass-roots based political reconciliation
process, and without international involvement, Somaliland has lifted
itself out of the perpetual cycle of poor governance and violence that
we see in the rest of the Somali region. In 2003 multiparty elections
were held in a smooth fashion in which Dahir Riyale Kahin, who is from a
small clan in the north-west of Somaliland, was elected as the third
president. However, several rows over multiple postponements of
presidential elections are now threatening its stability. Elections must
live up to international standards not only because Somaliland wants to
be recognized by the international community, but also to prove
democracy is a viable construct in a Somali region with complex clan
dynamics.
Presidential elections were originally scheduled to take place on 27
October 2008. The elections were postponed for the first time to 31 May
2009 due to instability in the eastern Sanaag and Sool regions. The
eastern border of these regions is disputed as semi-autonomous Puntland
also claims territory in these regions. Due to the manipulation of
clan-allegiances from both sides the exact delimitation has never been
codified and remains a nipping thorn in the relationship between the two
autonomous regions. On 29 March, Somaliland’s upper house of
Parliament, the Guurti, again postponed the presidential elections, this
time to 27 September 2009, because incomplete voter registration would
not allow for fair elections.
The postponement was strongly criticized by Somaliland’s opposition
parties, the Kulmiyeh, and the For Justice and Development party (UCID).
Kulmiyeh indicated they would no longer recognize the legitimacy of
President Riyale’s government and UCID declared the decision to postpone
the elections as unconstitutional. Both parties called upon the
government to hold the elections as scheduled on 31 May 2009. The
incumbent United People’s Democratic Party (UDUB) put Kulmiyeh’s call
aside, arguing that Somaliland’s upper house of Parliament, the Guurti,
has the constitutional mandate to extend the governments term. This was a
setback for Kulmiyeh, who advocated the government’s dissolution.
However, they kept on articulating their stance on the matter by holding
demonstrations.
On April 6, hundreds of protestors from the opposition Kulmiyeh party
gathered at their headquarters in the capital, Hargeisa, ostensibly to
mark Somali National Movement day, which honours the rebel group that
fought the former Somali government in the northern regions of Somalia
in the 1980s. But the meeting, called by the party’s leader, Ahmed
Mohamed Mohamud, or Silanyo, turned out to be a protest against the
six-month extension of President Rayale’s term. The government
subsequently announced it would ban demonstrations by the opposition
because they violated the constitution as they formed a threat to
national security.
The government acted on its promise when on 14 April government
security forces raided Kulmiyeh’s party’s headquarters in an effort to
silence the opposition. Forces entered at the moment Kulmiyeh was
holding a press conference on the controversial term extension of the
government as granted by the Guurti. In response, on the 3rd of May,
Kulmiyeh and UCID demanded a change in the electoral commission.
Kulmiyeh and UCID argued they no longer trusted the electoral body and
called upon the government to change its composition.
This demand came after a political mediation committee, endorsed by
both government and opposition, issued a five point ruling on Wednesday
29 April which was supporting mostly the incumbent UDUB party. Firstly,
the term extension until 29 September 2009 was deemed valid. Secondly,
the voter registration has to be concluded by 27 July 2009 so that there
is sufficient time to organize free and fair elections. Thirdly, all
parties must be granted equal air time prior to the elections. Fourthly,
the freedom of political parties to function has been stipulated. This
includes freedom of movement and the freedom to hold public gatherings
such as demonstrations.
However, the judgment is still not signed by President Riyale,
despite it being in his favor. Kulmiyeh and UCID now accuse Riyale of
the government’s unwillingness to hold elections and undermining civil
liberties. They argue the third postponement lacks democratic legitimacy
and undermines the democratization process. Moreover, by attempting to
silence the opposition and justifying its undemocratic mandate on a
pretext of emergency rule on erroneous grounds of lawlessness, serious
questions are raised about the need for checks and balances to curb
further excesses by the executive.
It appears that the Somaliland government is restricting political
freedoms in order to guarantee an easy victory during the election to be
held in September. However, the conditions for free and fair elections
are not met due to the obstruction of the political ambitions of the
opposition. Therefore, the presidential elections will be a test case
for Somaliland’s young democracy. If held freely and fairly, the
international community may well reconsider its position toward
Somaliland. Perhaps more importantly, by holding transparent elections,
Somaliland will remind Somalia and the international community that
peace and stability in the country can be a reality instead of merely a
distant thought.
Jesper Kleingeld, Intern, African Security Analysis Programme, ISS Tshwane (Pretoria)