Michele Cattani / AFP

Can Mauritania avoid another fruitless dialogue?

Without guarantees, President Ghazouani’s dialogue – the country’s sixth – could widen the political divisions that threaten stability.

On 27 November 2024, President Mohamed Ould Ghazouani called for a national political dialogue to strengthen social cohesion and consolidate democracy in Mauritania. In doing so, he fulfils an electoral promise and a key political commitment made in his second term.

However, opinion is divided on whether this dialogue can succeed, considering that over the past two decades, five political dialogues (in 2004, 2005, 2007, 2017 and 2018) failed to resolve the country’s fundamental problems. These include social divisions, poor governance and corruption, electoral dysfunction, the persistence of slavery, and the humanitarian liabilities caused by government abuses against black Mauritanian civil servants and soldiers between 1986 and 1991.

According to unofficial figures, Mauritania’s population is 70% Arab-Berber (30% Beydane and 40% Haratine) and 30% Afro-Mauritanian (Fulani, Wolof and Soninke). Beydane are historically dominant, holding political and economic power.

The president’s party and its parliamentary allies view the dialogue as an opportunity to enhance engagement between political actors. But the opposition remains cautious, wary that this might simply repeat previous futile exercises conducted since the country’s transition to democracy in 1992.

Over the past two decades, five political dialogues have failed to resolve the country’s fundamental problems

The new dialogue – which does not have a specific time frame – responds to repeated calls from opposition parties seeking an opportunity for frank debate to help solve the country’s major challenges.

Mauritania has been working to get the national dialogue started since February, with negotiations underway to secure participation from as many political and civil society actors as possible. Ghazouani first held meetings with political party leaders to encourage their involvement.

Then dialogue coordinator Moussa Fall, former manager at the Central Bank of Mauritania and 1970s student struggle leader, began consultations with various stakeholders to outline the process and ensure their participation. Several political actors have already submitted their proposals for the dialogue’s roadmap.

However, some opposition leaders have set out conditions that must first be agreed to ensure the dialogue succeeds. The Union of the Forces of Progress demands that Ghazouani guarantee implementation of the dialogue’s decisions and establish a consensual follow-up mechanism to ensure action is taken.

The Alliance for Justice and Democracy party calls for official recognition of national languages, withdrawal of the national education framework law, and a repeal of the political parties law. The latter law was criticised for giving the Minister of the Interior excessive powers to recognise and dissolve political parties.

The dialogue must tackle sensitive issues like racial discrimination, historical abuses and slavery

The most notable rejection of the dialogue process so far is from Biram Dah Abeid, leader of the Initiative for the Resurgence of the Abolitionist Movement, which campaigns against slavery. Abeid was runner-up in the 2014, 2019 and 2024 presidential elections, and demands official recognition of his party. He also wants assurances that government will resolve the case of young people killed during demonstrations in Kaédi following the announcement of the 2024 election results.

Abeid further insists on transparency throughout the dialogue, pledges that its decisions will be implemented, and the appointment of a neutral body to supervise the process, instead of the Ministry of the Interior.

The dialogue will have to deal with deeply opposing views on sensitive issues such as national languages, racial discrimination, historical humanitarian abuses and slavery.

Arab nationalists in Mauritania argue that opening these issues up for debate could threaten the country’s identity and national cohesion. Their recent outbursts on social media and in the press show their determination to oppose any discussion of these matters.

Arab nationalists argue that debating on sensitive issues could threaten the country’s cohesion

Meanwhile, black Mauritanian activists and the Initiative for the Resurgence of the Abolitionist Movement believe this dialogue will be no different from previous ones. In their view, past dialogues merely bought time for successive governments, as they failed to implement proposed decisions and solutions.

Activists and supporters of Abeid’s movement demand guarantees that debates will cover all issues without restriction, including building social cohesion and ending slavery practices. They also want the president’s personal commitment to implement the dialogue’s recommendations.

Despite these many reservations, the government is forging ahead to encourage participation. Public opinion and democratic forces in Mauritania generally emphasise the need for national agreement on solving the divisive issues that threaten the country’s peace, unity and justice. The planned dialogue has the potential to offer solutions.

Ghazouani sought to provide reassurance on 11 March, when he addressed leaders of the majority and opposition parties, expressing his commitment to organise a dialogue that would resolve fundamental problems of national unity and good governance. But in order to break with the tradition of one-off dialogues that achieve little, authorities must do more than make announcements.

The success of this initiative will depend on its ability to tackle sensitive issues head-on through a transparent, inclusive process. An independent monitoring mechanism that all participants agree on is vital to ensure that concrete actions are taken in response to the dialogue’s decisions.

Without meaningful change, Ghazouani’s dialogue risks deepening the political divisions it aims to reconcile, threatening stability in Mauritania.


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