The ongoing gang fights between the Americans,
the Hard Livings and other gangs on the Cape Flats have caught the
attention of the nation. The fights were started in an attempt to
establish the new leadership of these gangs in the face of the
assassinations of their old leadership core by vigilantes during 1998.
It is significant that gangs have chosen to
fight one another while facing of attacks by vigilantes, and have
continued to defend themselves while simultaneously carrying on with
their illegal operations. The trend of violence unfolding in South
Africa and particularly in the Western Cape follows the same pattern of
other developing countries undergoing transition. Countries such as
those belonging to the former Union of Socialist Soviet Republics
(Russia, for example), East Germany, Poland and Argentina all
experienced a general increase in criminality during periods of
political transition.
This monograph examines the changing patterns of
gangs across the Western Cape during the past few years. It sketches
patterns of development in the organisation of crime with particular
reference to the major street gangs in the Western Cape.
It is not uncommon for people living in remote
areas of the country to have heard of Western Cape street gangs such as
the Americans, the Hard Livings, the Sexy Boys, the School Boys and the
Junky Funky Kids. This is largely due to the fact that these gangs have
managed to capture the attention of the media through their actions.
Identification with American gangsters through popular culture
characterises even the most docile of communities in rural and urban
areas of the country. The growth of the gang subculture is a result of a
combination of various factors which include social factors such as
unemployment and poverty, its deep rooted nature in the Western Cape,
cultural persuasions and the globalisation of gang culture.
During times of political transition, social
controls are invariably relaxed. This has also been the case in South
Africa after 1994. The relaxation of social controls, coupled with
social disorganisation and political uncertainty, provides ample
opportunities for the growth in crime. Crime serves a legitimate social
function by forcing the government to promulgate new laws and regulate
existing legislation in order to extend its social control capabilities.
In this sense, crime serves a useful social purpose. The change in the
function of ordinary street crime must also be understood in these
terms. The context for the operation of street gangs has changed due to
the growth of the illegitimate opportunity structure which has been
strengthened by the relaxation of social controls.
Street gangs are no longer characterised by
youngsters who hang around the streets of local communities to ‘defend’
the community from rival gangsters. They have developed into organised
criminal empires.
International examples also clearly show this
trend. In Colombia, the Cali cartel used the police against the Medéllin
cartel in order to secure the market for itself. The fights between the
Majimbos and the Varados in the Westbury area of Gauteng are no
different from the fights playing itself out on the Cape Flats. There
are similar patterns emerging in different communities across the
country and, indeed, across the world.
More significantly, the fact that the Moroccans
and Nigerians, as well as the Russian and Italian Mafia have all
established operations in Cape Town indicates the extent of the growth
in the illegitimate opportunity structure.1
It is this opportunity structure that will be considered here and how
it has helped with the growth of the gangs. In addition, social and
political transition has also played a key role in shaping the ability
of local street gangs to deal with their international competition.
It is the purpose of this monograph to examine
how the relationship between transitional factors and gang activities
has developed and how it has contributed to local crime trends. More
particularly, it will focus on the impact of the organisation of gangs
on local destabilisation and control over communities. The general
trends in the development of gangs across the Western Cape will be
examined, as well as national and international developments.
Until now, most studies have focused on aspects
of policing and security, with very few considering how gangs have
changed as a result of the political changes that have occurred in the
country. These studies have also not examined the organisational changes
which gangs have undergone as a result of democratic changes.
The existing literature, moreover, does not
contain sociological analyses, an important focus in ascertaining the
reasons for the continued existence of the problem. This monograph has
attempted to make a contribution in this regard.
Methodology
In preparation for this monograph, many people
were interviewed. They included gangsters, police officers, community
activists, academics, journalists, as well as intelligence operatives
both within the police and outside. It was often difficult to talk to
them and some granted interviews only on condition that they remain
anonymous. Certain sources will therefore not be identified by name on
their request. The reader must also be mindful of the safety
implications for these sources.
First-hand experience of having lived and worked
in Manenberg for a considerable number of years and witnessing many of
the events when they occurred, have significantly contributed to the
insights presented here. It remains a challenge to write and undertake
research under these conditions, especially where it appears that there
is a real possibility of people being killed.
International trends
Crime families in the United States, Europe and
Latin America have all had small beginnings. The Gambino family, the
Corleone family and other important crime syndicates such as the Cali
and Medéllin drug cartels, at some time or another, were small-time
street criminals within their respective communities. Criminal
organisations flourish in a situation where there is uncertainty about
the political and economic development of any country undergoing
transition. This uncertainty creates opportunities for criminal
syndicates. At stake is the international organisation of the proceeds
of crime in view of the international focus of crime prevention agencies
co-ordinated by the United Nations.2
In Colombia, for example, the former leader of
the Medéllin cartel, Pablo Escobar started his business as a local
street criminal and graduated to greater criminal activities in the face
of social uncertainty. The same is true of the elusive Giovanni ‘The
Pig’ Brusca, the head of the Corleone section of the Sicilian Mafia
before he was caught.3
After the democratic elections in 1994, South
Africa ‘opened up’ to international criminal trade. It is evident that
drug cartels that are under pressure from their own governments have
been looking to South Africa as an emerging market. The UN and Interpol
have achieved some notable successes in the fight against international
crime syndicates in recent years. The rush to South Africa is therefore
not surprising, given the country’s relative inexperience in dealing
with drug and other international syndicates. Today, the Western Cape
and indeed the entire country are dotted with Nigerian cocaine cartels,
Chinese triads, Moroccan protection gangs and, to a lesser extent,
Pakistani textile syndicates.
These syndicates have exploited the relative
inexperience of their South African criminal counterparts and muscled in
on the territory. The precise nature of deals that were struck between
the international syndicates and their South African counterparts will
be discussed elsewhere in this monograph.
An important development in the fight against
organised crime is the creation of the Southern African Regional Police
Chiefs’ Co-operation Organisation (SARPCCO) which is part of the
Southern African Development Community’s (SADC) security organ, the
Inter-State Defence and Security Committee (ISDSC). The fact that this
body has now commissioned a study of organised crime is indicative of
the seriousness with which all SADC member states view the problem.
Defining gangs
The traditional view of gangs includes the
so-called of ‘skollies’ who function within the coloured communities on
the Cape Flats. However, this definition and especially that of Pinnock4
changed considerably as the events on the Cape Flats showed that street
gangs have become much more organised. Importantly, prison gangs that
traditionally operated inside prisons started to recruit outside
members, especially those who belonged to street gangs. Although a
strict delineation between members of street gangs and prison gangs
exists, it is accepted that the ‘generals’ controlling prison gangs were
far more disciplined than those controlling street gangs.
The study by Gastrow5
of organised crime provides definitions of organised crime, crime
syndicates and gangs. He distinguishes between the European Union’s
definitions and its shortcomings with regard to the South African
context. He notes the following:
"In general, gangs tend to be less formally
structured than syndicates. They are often territorially based, their
criminal activities involve less sophistication than those of
syndicates, their members tend to be youths and they tend to identify
themselves by a gang name. The many different manifestations of criminal
gangs make it unlikely that one single definition will ever be adequate
or comprehensive enough to cover all shades and variations."6
He provides a definition of gangs which reads as follows:
"A criminal gang consists of an organised group
of members which has a sense of cohesion, is generally territorially
bound, which creates an atmosphere of fear and intimidation in the
community and whose members engage in gang-focused criminal activity
either individually or collectively."7
It is important to return to the question of
what constitutes a gang, as the traditional definition has been altered
as a result of changing circumstances. While some elements of Gastrow’s
definition apply, it is helpful to understand the differences between
the current definitions that are used. Gastrow correctly points out that
no one definition will ever be adequate. He concentrates in particular
on the theoretical aspects applicable to gangs.
Pinnock points to the structural aspects of
gangs, as well as to the organisation of deviance. He distinguishes
between the different types of gangs and notes the differences in
structure between so-called corner kids, defence gangs, reform gangs,
mafia gangs and syndicates.8
He points to factors such as age, economic activity and social
organisation, and notes that all these factors influence the typology
and structure of gangs. The important factor that is missing in
Pinnock’s definition relates to their motivation and world view.
It is contended here that gangs define
themselves in relation to their social world and that this world
engenders the loyalty, brotherhood and universality of their beliefs.
The structure of the gang is open to change as the gang progresses in a
world of changing criminality. All of these factors influence the
typology and structure of gangs.
Some common problems emerge when other
categories are considered, especially when the government’s definition
of gangs as ‘youth at risk’ is examined. This categorisation has been
dominant and proposes to deal with youth at risk of getting into trouble
with the law. But, it excludes the category of youth that makes a
rational choice to join gangs despite their age and the myriad risks
attached to membership of a gang. The category also does not take into
consideration those layers of gang members who are adults of up to 30
and 40 years of age. The popular definition of gangs refers to all
gangsters from street level operators to sophisticated syndicate bosses
of drug cartels.
No one definition of what a gang is, seems to be
adequate. A consideration of some prevailing definitions of gangs
points to the fact that:
- Gang members may range in age from youngsters (‘corner kids’) to adults between 20 and 40 years of age.
- The nature and activities of gangs are mainly determined by their social context.
- Membership of gangs may include persons both inside and outside of jails.
- Gang members may be anything from street level operators to sophisticated syndicate bosses.
- They may belong to the category regarded
by the government and its agencies as being at risk of becoming involved
in criminal activities, or may make a choice to become involved with
full cognisance of the associated risks.
- Gangs may be involved in criminal activities for the sake of survival, or may be high-level, structured criminal organisations.
Notes
- Cape Times, 7 July 1998.
- See S Flood, Illicit drugs and organised crime: Issues for a united Europe, University of Illinois, Chicago, 1992; S Mahan & K O’Niel, Beyond the Mafia: Organised crime in the Americas, Sage, California, 1998.
- T Sancton, ‘The Pig’ is penned, Time, June 1996.
- D Pinnock, The Brotherhoods: State control and gangs in metropolitan Cape Town, David Phillip, Johannesburg, 1984.
- P Gastrow, Organised crime in South Africa: An assessment of its nature and origins, ISS Monograph 28, Institute of Security Studies, Halfway House, August 1998.
- Ibid, p 9.
- Ibid, p 10.
- Pinnock,op cit, p 4.