Monograph 101: National Victims of Crime Survey South Africa 2003, Patrick Burton, Anton Du Plessis, Ted Leggett, Antoinette Louw, Du
In 2003, the Institute for Security Studies undertook the second
national victims of crime survey in South Africa. The survey was
designed to ensure comparability with the 1998 national Victims of Crime
survey conducted by Statistics South Africa for the Department of
Safety and Security and the United Nations Interregional Crime and
Justice Research Institute (UNICRI). The ISS was assisted throughout the
study by a group of stakeholders from government and civil society,
many of whom participated in the 1998 survey.
The survey was conducted between September and October 2003.
Households were randomly selected across the country based on the census
data. A national sample of 4,860 was realised. The sample was
stratified by province and urban/rural areas, and the data was weighted
to reflect the actual composition of the population.
Public perceptions about crime and safety
Feelings of safety have declined markedly since 1998: the
number feeling very unsafe at night more than doubled from 25% in 1998
to 58% in 2003. Feelings of safety are also low compared to other
countries. Despite this, it is encouraging that nearly half of South
Africans (46%) did not believe crime has increased in past three years
in their areas of residence. A small majority (53%) said crime had gone
up.
Perceptions about crime and safety differed markedly
according to race and area of residence. Those most concerned were
people living in the metropolitan areas followed by urban areas, and
Indian followed by white South Africans. South Africans living in
metropolitan (61%) and urban areas (54%) were much more likely to say
crime has increased than those in traditional rural (48%) or farming
(43%) areas. Indians were much more likely (78%) to believe crime has
gone up than whites (61%), blacks (51%) and coloureds (48%). In terms of
feelings of safety, those living in rural areas were much more likely
to feel safe walking in their neighbourhoods than those in urban areas.
Black (64%) and coloured (62%) South Africans were much more likely to
feel very safe during the day than whites (35%) and Indians (11%).
Many South Africans (29%) personally know someone who makes a
living from crime in their area. Given this intimate knowledge of
criminals, it is notable that respondents were more likely to think that
criminals are motivated by “greed” and “non-financial motives” than by
“real need”. In other words, committing crime is largely believed to be a
matter of choice. Most South Africans also said that crime is committed
by people from within their community, rather than outsiders, and very
few (4%) thought foreigners are responsible for most crime.
Many South Africans have personal experience of the most
extreme form of violence: 14% have witnessed a murder, and more than
half of these people (53%) were between 16 and 25 years at the time.
This is a serious matter given the potential impact of witnessing
violence at a young age on the risk of offending later in life.
Public perceptions about crime prevention and criminal justice
South Africans rely extensively on the state for protection
against crime and for victim support: few take additional measures to
protect themselves or their property, a minority participate in
community anti-crime initiatives, and the police and hospitals are seen
as the main sources of help for victims of violence.
Blacks (30%) and coloureds (45%) were significantly less
likely to take self-protection measures than Indians (89%) and whites
(95%). Such measures need to be encouraged and made available where
possible, given that most of those who did use them (75%) felt safer as a
result.
One quarter of those who knew of a community protection group
in their area said this group physically punishes criminal suspects.
Estimates are that nearly 1,5 million South Africans have witnessed
violent punishments by such vigilante groups.
Less than half of respondents (45%) knew what a community
police forum is, and few of these participated in its activities. Those
living in urban and rural areas were however more likely to be involved
in CPFs than those in the metros.
Physical access to the police and courts is generally good,
but remains a problem in rural areas and for black South Africans. Only a
small majority (52%) thought the police are doing a good job, but these
views are influenced by a range of factors, not all of which are about
policing. One factor that is clearly within the ambit of the police is
response time: this was the key issue influencing both positive and
negative perceptions of the police.
As other studies have shown, views of court performance were
much more favourable among those who have been to court than among the
general public. And although access to courts was better in metro and
urban provinces, satisfaction was lowest in these areas. Sentencing was
the key issue about which the public formed their opinions of the way
courts deal with suspects.
Crime levels in South Africa
Crime, as measured by the victim surveys, dropped slightly
between 1998 and 2003: 23% of South Africans were victims in the
12-month period between September 2002 and August 2003—down almost 2%
from 24.5% in 1998. The only type of crime explored in this survey that
increased during the past five years was housebreaking.
Property crimes occurred more frequently than violent crimes,
with the five most prevalent crimes being non-violent. Housebreaking,
followed by corruption and then theft of personal property were the most
prevalent crimes in the country.
A victimisation rate of less than 1% was recorded for serious crimes such as murder, sexual assault and car hijacking.
Almost all the victims of car theft and hijacking reported
the crime to the police. However, reporting rates for other serious
crimes like housebreaking, assault and particularly robbery were low.The
main reason for not reporting was that the crime was not important
enough—even in the case of violent offences like assault and robbery.
Overview of selected crime types
Corruption
Although both instances and allegations of ‘grand corruption’
receive much media attention, the survey results show that ordinary
citizens are vulnerable to petty corruption. In total, 5.6% of South
Africans had been asked to pay a bribe in the past year. Cash bribes
were by far the most common form of currency in these corrupt
transactions.
Traffic officials were most likely to demand bribes and in
turn every request for a bribe was met by payment from members of the
public surveyed. The other most common services for which bribes were
demanded include policing, employment in the public sector,
pensions/social welfare grants, and public utilities. The vulnerability
of the poor to non-delivery of services due to corruption in all these
categories is a cause for concern.
The pool of whistleblowers in South Africa is tiny. Only 2%
of all respondents surveyed had ever attempted to report a corrupt
official. The most common reasons for not reporting were the belief that
it would not have changed anything, followed by a lack of knowledge
about where or who to report to.
Housebreaking
Survey respondents thought housebreaking was both the most
commonly discussed crime and the most prevalent crime in their
neighbourhoods. These opinions are backed up by the broader survey
findings, as more survey respondents said their household had been the
victim of housebreaking (7.5%) than any other crime type, and
housebreaking is the only crime type whose prevalence increased since
1998. The only crime feared more than housebreaking is murder.
It appears that less than two thirds of the housebreakings
that occur are reported to the police, and that of those that are
reported, nearly a fifth are not recorded by the police; the official
figures are substantial underestimates.
Assault and sexual assault
Assault and sexual assault are almost as difficult to capture
in a household survey as they are for the police to detect; as a
result, there were too few sexual assaults to be analysed in detail.
Assault is not a single crime, but a variety of offences
encompassing, among other things, domestic violence, bar room brawls,
and street attacks. The survey captured only the most serious assaults,
suggesting that the public has become hardened to the point that minor
incidents are no longer reported to fieldworkers. This notion is
supported by the fact that few respondents felt that assault was
particularly common, feared, or talked about.
Robbery
Unlike housebreaking, public perceptions about robbery do not
correlate with reality. South Africans were very concerned about
robbery: it is the second most commonly discussed crime, believed to be
the second “most common crime” in respondents’ areas, and the fourth
most feared crime. However, according to both the survey and official
crime statistics, the chances of any South African being robbed in any
given year are about two out of a hundred.
Largely as a result of the methodology used, most robberies
recorded in the survey were serious, or what the police would call
“aggravated robberies”—those that are committed with a weapon. The
number of serious robberies in the survey corresponds fairly closely
with the number of aggravated robberies recorded by the police.
It is a matter of concern that the second most likely place
for a robbery to take place, after streets in residential areas, was in
the home. Based on survey projections, nearly 90,000 ‘home robberies’
occurred nationwide over the 12-month survey period.
Few victims reported robberies to the police, especially when they were committed on the street (as opposed to in the home).
Trends for street versus home robberies were quite different:
guns were more common in home robberies, as was the likelihood of
injury. Street robbers were much more likely to operate in groups than
home robbers, and victims in the home were more likely to know the
perpetrator than those robbed in the streets.
Stock theft
Black and white South Africans in the Eastern Cape and
KwaZulu-Natal were most likely to have been victimised. Most victims
were poor, which suggests that the impact of stock theft on a household
is likely to be severe.
Few victims reported theft of stock to the police, largely
because they did not think the crime was important enough, or that their
property would be recovered. This perception is understandable given
that of the few victims who did report, only 4% were aware that an
arrest was made, and 4% said their stock was recovered. Stock theft does
not go unnoticed however. Over half the respondents reported the crime
to an organisation other than the police, with traditional authorities
being the most likely source of assistance.