Concerns Raised About the Involvement of the Military in Policing Operations in South Africa
The deployment of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) in the recent festive season policing operations has led to concerns being raised from various quarters. Incidents involving the military were widely reported on in the media and prompted a debate on military deployment in support of the police. This type of routine deployment for policing operations are also not in line with the White Paper on Defence which states that the SANDF should only be deployed in support of the SAPS, “…in the most exceptional circumstancesâ€ÂÂÂÂÂÂÂ. The decision to regularly involve the military in police operations needs to be reconsidered, and section 20 of the Defence Act should be amended.
Johan Burger, Senior Researcher, Crime and Justice Division, Pretoria Office
The deployment of the South African National
Defence Force (SANDF) in the recent festive season policing operations has led
to concerns being raised from various quarters. The first problems emerged withThe Star newspaper reports of a
policing operation in Johannesburg where the military and police were carrying
out a joint operation targeting informal shops to seize counterfeit products. Photographs
were taken of a soldier beating a shop owner with the butt of his R4 rifle.
Police members, including members of the police’s Tactical Response Team (TRT),
were also alleged to have used unnecessary and excessive violence against shop
owners and bystanders. A week later, the Cape
Times reported on two SANDF armoured vehicles and a number of armed
soldiers that were seen monitoring a protest of less than fifty people at the
Khayelitsha District Hospital in the Cape Town Metropolitan area. SABC news more
recently broadcast soldiers taking part in an operation to burn a plantation of
marijuana that had been discovered in Soweto.
These incidents prompted a debate on military
deployment in support of the police and to what extent constitutional and other
legislative prerequisites were met during these deployments. For example, on 16
January, a professor of constitutional law at the University of Cape Town,
Pierre de Vos argued that it is of ‘utmost importance’, in a constitutional
democracy, to keep the roles of the police and the military separate. He
acknowledges that the Constitution provides for the ‘employment’ of the
military ‘in cooperation with the police service’, but questions whether in
this instance the correct procedures for such ‘employment’ were followed.
Subsequently, a General Ndivhuwo Mabaya stated correct procedures were
followed because, since 2001 the police and the SANDF have a general cooperation
agreement which covers all their joint operations. Professor De Vos wrote an
article arguing that such an agreement was clearly unconstitutional because the
‘employment’ of the military in cooperation with the South African Police
Service is regulated by section 201of the Constitution of the Republic of South
Africa which states that:
‘(2) Only the
President … may authorise the employment of the defence force
(a) in cooperation with the police
service; …’
(3) When the defence force is employed for any
purpose mentioned in
subsection (2), the President must inform
Parliament, promptly and in
appropriate detail, of –
(a) the reasons for the employment …;
(b) any place where the force is being
employed;
(c) the number of people involved; and
(d) the period for which the force is
expected to be employed.
Furthermore, the White Paper on Defence
states that the SANDF should only be deployed in support of the SAPS, “…in the
most exceptional circumstances, such as a complete breakdown of public order
beyond the capacity of the SAPS, or a state of national defence”. For example,
during the wave of xenophobic violence that took place in 2008, the military
were only deployed after it became clear that the police were not able to
contain the situation which had resulted in the deaths of 69 people.
The White Paper on Defence clearly presents
the many reasons as to why it is not desirable to have military involvement in
policing duties either on permanent or semi-permanent basis. As the military
are not trained or equipped for policing duties it leads to acts of repression
and undermines the legitimacy of the military in the eyes of the public.
In contradiction with the General’s statement
that all deployment of the military in support of the police was part of a
decade old agreement, the recent festive season operations appears to have been
authorised by a ‘President’s Minute No 374/2011’ signed on 12 December 2011 by
the President and the Minister of Defence. This one page document states that
‘members of the Regular Force and the Reserve Force of the South African
National Defence Force’ are employed ‘with effect from 1 November 2011 to 31
January 2012 … for service in cooperation with the South African Police Service
in the prevention and combating of crime
and the maintenance and preservation
of law and order within the Republic of South Africa during the 2011/2012
Festive Season’ (own emphasis).
Nevertheless, it appears as if this general
deployment minute fails to adhere to both constitutional requirements and official
policy. For example, the Constitution clearly states that the President must
inform Parliament ‘promptly and in appropriate detail’ when the Defence Force
is ‘employed.’ That the President’s Minute was signed on 12 December and the
employment began on 1 November, six weeks earlier, brings this into question.
Moreover, there is no indication of the ‘exceptional circumstances’ that
existed to require the military to be deployed with the police over the festive
season.
The Constitution does not
elaborate on the nature of the duties of the defence force when ‘employed in
cooperation with the police service’. However, according to section 20(1) of
the Defence Act Defence Act (No. 42 of 2002), a member of the Defence Force who
is ‘utilised for the execution of services under such employment has the same powers and duties as those
conferred or imposed upon a member of the South African Police Service’ (own
emphasis). The only exclusion here is the investigation of crime (section
20(2)). Section 20(11) adds a provision that Defence Force members accordingly
employed must receive ‘appropriate training prior to such employment and must
be properly equipped. From the media reports and pictures of the soldiers’
equipment (R5 automatic rifles) and instances of abusive behaviour during the
recent festive season operations, these statutory requirements may have been
breached.
It is worthwhile noting
that in South Africa, joint operations between the military and the police are
not new. Since the mid 1990s, joint operations have been coordinated by the national
Joint Operational and Intelligence Structure (JOINTS) which reports to the
Justice, Crime Prevention and Security (JCPS) Cluster consisting of Ministers
and Directors-General of the relevant departments. This kind of cooperation has
enabled the military, the intelligence community and the police to plan and
execute successful major event security operations such as the 2012 FIFA World
Cup tournament and also on occasion, major crime-combating operations. However, it has never been a requirement for
the military to have police powers in order for them to work with the police. Rather,
the military have played more of a support service role by providing the police
with logistical support when needed and a protective cordon where specific
policing operations have been conducted in volatile places where the police may
come under attack. In this sense the ‘policing’ powers allocated to the Defence
Force when they act in cooperation with the police is unnecessary. Such powers
without the required training and equipment are in any case tantamount to
inviting unlawful action and abuse against which the White Paper warns.
It is against this
background that the deployment of the military in support of the police, in very specific situations or ‘exceptional
circumstances’ and following the proper accountability procedures can be
justified. However, deploying the military to perform routine and other normal
police duties, such as the regular annual festive season operations cannot be
justified. The decision to involve the military in such operations needs to be
reconsidered, and particular attention needs to be paid to whether the
Constitutional provision are being effectively adhered to or not. Moreover,
section 20 of the Defence Act should be amended to provide the Defence Force
only with those powers required to support
the police.