ISS Seminar, Pretoria: Two Decades of Conflict and Democracy in Sierra Leone: A Personal Experience

Date: 2011-10-26

Venue: , ISS Seminar Room , Block C, Brooklyn Court, 361 Veale Street, New Muckleneuk, Tshwane (Pretoria) , (Parking in Brooklyn Mall and ABSA court for a fee)

ISS Seminar Report

By H.E. Alhaji Ahmad Tejan Kabbah

Former President of the Republic of Sierra Leone

Presented by the African Conflict Prevention Programme

Pretoria, Wednesday, 26 October 2011 

© I. Souaré. From L-R : Dr Sesay, Dr Cilliers, President Kabbah and Dr Souaré

Introduction:

The West African country of Sierra Leone made an infamous name as a war-torn country in the 1990s. From early 1991 and throughout the decade, the country experienced a horrific fratricidal civil war launched by the so-called Revolutionary United Front of Sierra Leone led by Foday Sankoh, a former corporal in the Sierra Leone army. With some relative stability found in the country in the mid-1990s, the first democratic elections were held in March 1996 and a retired high level UN functionary in the person of Alhaji Ahmad Tejan Kabbah won the poll. Overthrown in a military coup a few months later in May 1997, the democratic government of Kabbah was reinstated in March 1998 thanks to the efforts of the regional grouping, ECOWAS. Kabbah then ruled the country for the reminder of his interrupted term and was overwhelmingly re-elected in 2002 for a final 5-year term ending in 2007. After initiating the rebuilding of the country, as well as the process of national reconciliation, Kabbah graceful left power to be succeeded by the opposition candidate, following one of the freest presidential elections on the continent.

This seminar looked at Sierra Leone’s experience of war and democracy told by none other than Kabbah himself – an actor, a victim and now an observer of all the developments in question. Dr Shekou M. Sesay, his former Minister for Presidential Affairs, assisted him. Dr. Issaka K. Souaré, Acting Head of the African Conflict Prevention Programme, chaired the seminar, while Dr. Jakkie Cilliers, the Executive Director of the Institute, welcomed and closed the event.

Presentation

His Excellency, the former president, provided a comprehensive overview and deep insights into the difficult and conflict-ridden past of Sierra Leone; informed by his own experiences during this time. He served as District Commissioner in the British Colonial Service in the 1950s, and served for many years in the civil service of the post-independent Sierra Leone in the 1960s and 1970s. He then joined the UN system in the early 1970s. After nearly two decades of service in the UN system, he retired in 1992 and returned to his home country. But circumstances forced him to retire from his retirement, drawing him to the national politics and eventually being elected as President of the Republic of Sierra Leone for two terms from March 1996 to September 2007. His wealth of knowledge on the country and its history and politics thus formed the basis of his presentation, a summary of which follows below.

Causes and dynamics of a decade-long civil war

Sierra Leone’s bloody civil war was noted to have several root causes. The confluence of bad governance, corruption, the denial of basic human rights, and overall deplorable living conditions in the country led to the conflict and contributed to its prolongation and sustenance for almost a decade. The citizenry of Sierra Leone had been failed by successive governments through institutional collapse, rising levels of deprivation, and a lack of accountability. The crushing of any forms of political expression or dissent ‘ensured the death of democracy’. Ethnic tensions served to exacerbate this already existent potential for tension, and ultimately violence.

The war that ensued was led by Foday Sankoh (a former corporal of the Sierra Leone army) and his so-called Revolutionary United Front of Sierra Leone (RUF/SL). With illiterate and undisciplined fighters, including conscripted young men and women, the war was characterised by severe violations of human tights and crimes against humanity such as torture, sexual exploitation and the enlisting of child soldiers. The prevailing conditions in Sierra Leone were exploited by outside forces that encouraged rebel forces to swap the country’s diamonds for the guns that would allow them to continue to wage war. These grave circumstances led to Sierra Leone becoming a ‘failed state’.

Democratic elections, 1996

From the start of the war in 1991 to the March 1996 general elections, two military coups (1992 and 1996) were organised, with the leaders of the latter coup honouring their promise to organise elections. President Kabbah recalls yielding to significant pressure to put himself forward as a candidate to lead the country – a bid that he won after winning the run-off election with 59 per cent of the votes under the banner of the Sierra Leone People’s Party (SLPP). He was subsequently sworn in on 29 March 1996, and was faced with the mammoth task of attempting to reverse the downward trend of a war-torn and failing state through the creation of conditions allowing for the end of the war, and for the country to find its feet.

To this effect, a corporate strategy was structured and aimed to end the conflict, initiate a sustainable peace process and to engage in rehabilitation, reconstruction and development. A visionary strategy was adopted for the country, with the help of the United Nations, and put forward a vision based on the principles of good governance and strived to provide an improved quality of life within a safe environment for all the peoples of Sierra Leone.

Peace and national reconciliation

Notwithstanding the above, the road to peace and national reconciliation was not an easy one, as it was marred by deception and the attempts of the RUF to derail the process. The RUF initially justified their atrocious rebellion by claiming that they sought to remove the ruling All People’s Congress (APC) regime and bring about some level of ‘social justice’, hence the revolutionary qualification of the movement, a claim they continued making even after the 1996 elections. Yet this was a mere pretext for a parallel agenda to capture the country and exploit its mineral wealth through the force of arms. Otherwise how is such a claim to be reconciled with despicable atrocities committed by the movement against innocent civilians? In any case, the strategies of Foday Sankoh challenged President Kabbah’s administration to show patience and resilience in their continued determination to achieve peace.

On 30 November 1996 both the government of President Kabbah and the RUF signed the Abidjan Peace Accord under the auspices of Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). The Accord provided for an end to hostilities, a programme of disarmament, demobilisation and reintegration of combatants, the withdrawal of mercenaries, an amnesty for rebel fighters that agree to lay down the arms, and the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

However, the former president contended that the RUF did not intend to honour the Accord, and as such refused to allow foreign peacekeepers to be present in Sierra Leone for the purposes of monitoring the peace process.  In fact, the RUF used the negotiation period to regroup and rearm their fighters, and as a result, conflict flared up again.

Military coup and its aftermath

Just a few months after President Kabbah had come to office, a military coup was staged on 25 May 1997 by disgruntled soldiers from the army, that styled themselves as the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC), who were associated with the RUF rebels. The AFRC invited the RUF to share power with them, and a period characterised by looting, rape and murder ensued.

Following the coup President Kabbah was compelled to seek refuge in neighbouring Guinea. In the meantime, a Nigerian-led ECOMOG force (military force of ECOWAS) battled with the AFRC/RUF to regain control of the capital, Freetown. By February 1998 the ECOMOG forces succeeded in pushing away the military junta and RUF leader Foday Sankoh was arrested in Nigeria. President Kabbah’s administration was triumphantly restored to government by March of that year, having then to deal with a collapse of government machinery, a breakdown of internal security, a worrying proliferation of arms, and the disruption of economic activities.

While the AFRC/RUF forces retreated to the countryside, they launched an atrocious campaign of killing against civilian populations in these areas through what they called ‘Operation No Living Thing.’ This campaign of mass murder saw people being murdered, mutilated, raped and kidnapped. Even Freetown was not spared the carnage. For on 6 January 1999 ECOMOG forces were taken by surprise by an attack of the AFRC/RUF resulting in another brutal battle where President Kabbah experienced a harrowing evacuation to a vessel by ECOMOG soldiers. There he encountered Sankoh, and their engagement was again typified by insincere gestures by the rebel leader, which were followed by broken promises in the form of more violence launched by RUF.

Once back in office, President Kabbah had thus to nurture steel determination in order to continue with negotiations with Sankoh. Furthermore, he had the task of addressing the question of legitimacy, and impressing upon Sierra Leoneans that the illegal junta had no legislative or executive authority during its rule as the constitution remained intact, and that their actions were therefore to be considered null and void. Moreover, a strategic programme for post-junta Sierra Leone needed to be developed and enjoy consensus among the people. Several priority areas were identified; key among these was national security. There was an urgent need to put an end to the war and restore peace, foster a culture of accountability and reform the security sector, particularly the army. The new army was to be numerically smaller and based on the values of competence, integrity, patriotism, proper training, and loyalty to democratic institutions.

Bringing massive human rights violators to book

Actors of and collaborators with the AFRC/RUF unholy alliance in their massive violations of human rights had to be brought to book in order to prevent future atrocities and illustrate the deplorability of impunity. Treason charges were thus laid against 59 soldiers and civilians, in a transparent trial. Of those, 24 military officers were executed – a decision that was not taken lightly, as president Kabbah acknowledged.

The role of the international community

The international community also played an invaluable role through standing by Sierra Leone during the years of conflict. The reestablishment of democracy in the country was assisted by the efforts of ECOWAS through ECOMOG and the UN through its peacekeeping operation, UNAMSIL. The British and American governments also assisted both financially and logistically. Some aspects of Sierra Leone’s national sovereignty was sacrificed in this process, but this was inevitable considering the circumstances Sierra Leone found herself in. Outside private security agents were enlisted to defeat the RUF with Across the Horizon being supplied by the British.

Regionally, the role played by mediation efforts was also significant and the rebels were persuaded to sign the Lomé Peace Agreement on 9 July 1999 under the aegis of ECOWAS. The Agreement provided for an amnesty for the rebels and their collaborators – a point that received much criticism in some quarters, even though it was necessary at the time.

Post-conflict reconstruction and challenges

The peace-building efforts that followed had to be anchored on fundamental reforms in order for democracy to prevail. Reform of the security sector had to continue, even at the expense of ceding part of the country’s sovereignty, as President Kabbah was convinced that this was the only path to impartial and sustainable reform. A security policy was thus formulated that created synergy amongst various security arms to ensure a unified and non-conflictual approach to matters of security.

Another great challenge that needed to be tackled was the evil of corruption. Ensuring that transparency and accountability became vital parts of the national character was the kind of proactive strategy needed to uproot corruption. An anti-corruption commission was established to protect the country’s resources and to enhance confidence among the donor community. What’s more, a campaign was launched seeking to educate people across the country about the negative impacts of corruption.

President Kabbah also noted the need for reform at the rural level in order to allow for grassroots participation in democratic processes. Civil society was mobilised in this regard and inclusive government structures were developed through a process of local government reform and decentralisation.

Moreover, constitutional, judicial, legal and media reforms were initiated. With respect to the latter, an independent media commission was ensured and media enjoyed significant freedom. Civil service was also reformed to make it efficient and ethical. A human rights commission and an office of the ombudsman guaranteed that Sierra Leoneans did not face injustice perpetrated by public officers.

President Kabbah was able, in 2002, to declare the war over following a virtual elimination of violence, and improvements security sector reforms, economic recovery, and the establishment of functioning state institutions.

In the same year, President Kabbah announced his candidacy for a second term in office. He won with an overwhelming majority of 70 per cent, feeling vindicated that his approach to rebuilding peace and democracy in Sierra Leone had been approved by the majority of his compatriots.

His second term, which spanned 2002 to 2007, was completed in an environment no longer characterised by gunfire. He ensured his people that he would not tamper with the constitution to prolong his reign and gracefully retired in 2007 after completing his second term in office. The former president could feel proud of leaving a legacy of peace, democracy and stability.

Conclusion

President Kabbah acknowledged that in hindsight some of the approaches to conflict resolution taken by his administration were a drawback to the furtherance of democracy. The brief experiment with power-sharing for example was concluded with an encouragement of rebel forces to form a political party that they could participate within a democratic framework. This was necessary to forge the understanding that political power and legitimacy can only be gained through the will of the people and not through the barrel of a gun.

The presentation was concluded with a call to African leaders to ensure that they do not create conditions that would prevent them from living peacefully in their countries once they retire. President Kabbah is convinced that ‘there is life after the presidency’, which he is currently happily living in Freetown and across the continent, accorded with all the privileges due to an honourable former Head of State.

Note: for president Kabbah’s autobiography, see A. T. Kabbah, Coming Back from the Brink in Sierra Leone, Accra, EPP Brook Services, 2011.

Seminar report prepared by Lisa Otto

Research intern, African Conflict Preventio Programme, Pretoria