The government’s renewed commitment to transitional justice efforts should lead to a carefully planned and sequenced resumption of the paused process.
Traditional justice is in high demand, but an unaccountable system could perpetuate discrimination and undermine human rights.
The findings of the Tigray genocide inquiry should be read as a call to strengthen transitional justice, not repudiate it.
Italy’s stance on its historical atrocities against Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia contradicts principles in its Mattei Plan for Africa.
An interim report may help the National Dialogue regain credibility, seize early wins and justify its need for additional time.
Without several amendments to its draft framework, SADC will struggle to help member states address their abusive pasts.
The key lesson is that transitional justice is not an event but an ongoing process that ends only when its goals are met.
The dual peacebuilding processes are equally important – and can run simultaneously through coordination and sequencing.
The Special Bench should have jurisdiction over a broader range of disputes – not merely function as a criminal tribunal.
To effectively deliver justice for international crimes, an independent international cooperation unit is essential.
Reparations aim to repair relationships and prevent violence – a forward-looking approach could foster a more just global order.
The US can draw insights from Africa and other regions to transform its fragmented efforts into a national transitional justice process.
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