29 Jan 2008: ISS Today: Tribes and Identity Cards in Kenya

29 January 2008: Tribes and Identity Cards in Kenya

Recent events, in which citizens have turned against each other with some ‘protagonists’ asking for identity cards to verify one’s tribe, paint a somber picture for nation building efforts in Kenya. Though identity cards/passports in the country do not indicate one’s tribe, almost everyone has at least one name that gives away his/her tribe. The naming of children is rooted in culture across all the ethnic/language groups and each group has ingrained ways that are known by the other ethnic groups. For example, Luos usually name children after significant events; Luhyas according to lineages and, for some clans, the season the child was born determines the name. For Kikuyus, if one is called Wambui and has a son, it is known by default – by everyone- that the son will bear that name.  It is these common names that perpetrators of violence were looking for on the identity cards. That one can be Kisii or Kamba, and was born in Busia in the Western Province, did not seem to matter, as Kenyans have tended to live where prospects for a better life seemed better.

A worrisome issue is that there are names that cut across several ethnic groups. For example the name Muita is found amongst the Kalenjins, Kikuyus, Kambas and Kisiis. Inter-ethnic marriages place many people in-between ethnic groups. Stories are told of how some parents adopted Kalenjin names in the attempt to manipulate identities that would enhance their chances of accessing and benefitting from state resources during Daniel Arap Moi’s rule (1978-2002). This alone tells us that some have become victims for simply bearing the ‘wrong’ name, one that is usually associated with an ‘undesirable’ group. An angry and irrational mob seeking what it defines as justice would not have time to negotiate one’s true ethnic identity. And yet the violence itself is a signifier of how modern Kenyans are trying to renegotiate their ethnic identities, and how they are dealing with the way political representation and the distribution of resources has worked over the last few decades.

As one youth put it, ‘When it is difficult to tell the tribe, you then look at the physical characteristics’.  Baffling as this is, some do believe it is possible to tell one’s tribe from their physical appearance. The lessons from Rwanda appear to have been lost on Kenya. One can’t help asking why there is so much anger amongst the citizens. What makes it possible to turn against your neighbour with such wrath?

The suspicion and mistrust bred by all these events suggests that there is a real possibility that these tensions could spill into other service sectors. The medical fraternity is already reporting high levels of mistrust among colleagues in many public health institutions. A meeting called the Professionals’ Forum for Peace is attempting to tackle these (mis)apprehensions, in order to prevent neglect in health facilities and ill-treatment of both victims and other ‘communities’ who are part of the medical fraternity. Many medical staff have absconded stations that are located in the ‘hot spots’, i.e. in the wrong ethnic territory. Likewise, teachers and students who migrated to other provinces where their ethnic group is not traditionally located have also fled the violence. The flights are indicative of long- term tensions that were waiting for a trigger event, since provided by the disputed elections. Exclusionary boundaries of ‘outsiders’ and ‘insiders’ have become clearly pronounced as uprisings continue to erupt all over the country. And the country has bred yet another generation of traumatised youth and children. Will they learn from this experience and will they not just forget but also forgive?

These events and issues point to two issues that merit attention on the continent, Identity cards and stereotyping. Whereas identity cards are intended to reveal ones’ identity, African countries torn by ethnic tensions should be thinking of innovative ways to have national identification systems that do not denote characteristics that can be used to punish others. Rwanda has removed ethnic identity from the national identity cards. The names do not matter much as they cut across the different groups. For Kenya, clan/tribe names are a problem, suggesting that perhaps a more neutral system that protects citizens should be sought. Something akin to a social security number that one acquires at birth would gradually work to minimize regional/ethnic cleavages. Future generations must be protected by changing some cultural practices that make it possible to fight grievances that are decades old. But this can only work if all citizens are treated equally and all get a justly allocated slice of the national cake. This means of course burying neo-patrimonial politics, presidentialism and political patronage.

That Kenya is burning at the centre is bad enough, but its periphery has always been on fire. For the whole of 2006, the daily Mt. Elgon massacres sent messages to the public that relying on the state to provide security is not always the best option. But then, these and other pastoralist communities have always been depicted as unsophisticated. The other ethnic groups are further stereotyped as being too greedy, others as being too brainy and others as hewers of wood and drawers of water. These stereotypes must be aggressively addressed if Kenya is to have a positive future. Furthermore, inclusiveness is essential for stability. Without the devolution of both political and economic power, stability will remain elusive for Kenya.

Annie Barbara Chikwanha, Senior Researcher, Africa Human Security Initiative, ISS Nairobi