The research presented in this monograph aimed to outline indicators of firearm penetration and attitudes to firearms by looking at three case-study areas: Lekoa-Vaal, Kwa Mashu and Tsolo-Qumbo. The three communities in these case studies were chosen because they are historically, socially and economically disadvantaged, with serious crime and firearm-related problems. It was felt that `softer` case-study areas would negate the applicability of the findings to the purpose of the research: the resolution of firearm accumulation. Through gaining a better understanding of some of the dynamics at play in the case-study communities, the researchers hoped to determine whether there would be willingness to reduce firearms in the community; and what the community would be willing to do to address firearm proliferation. The main findings were as follows:

• The prevalence of firearms in all the case-study communities is increasing. This is directly indicated by the frequency with which gunshots are heard, as well as by the perception of the respondents. The youth are viewed - both by their peers and by the adult women in the community - as the group responsible for the increase in firearms, as they are the group seen carrying firearms, particularly the youth involved in gang activities.
  
  
• The main reason cited across the sample for the increase in the number of firearms was the high level of accessibility. This is particularly conducive to meeting the demands of the youth. The youth want firearms, and they can get the firearms. Although the study did not focus on whether the firearms were licensed or not, it is probable that large proportions of these firearms are not licensed. This means that the users of the weapon were not screened in any way for their suitability to carry a firearm, or their ability to use a firearm with competence. The highest level of firearm ownership was evident in Lekoa-Vaal formal areas and the settlement of Tsolo-Qumbo.Here too, ease of access is seen as a contributing factor to the increased firearm penetration. In the two focus groups, it was evident that accessibility was closely linked to an internal source of firearms within the case-study settlements.
  
  
• The second reason given for the increase in firearms was that they were obtained in reaction to the perception of rising crime and violence. It is probable that should the crime trends continue to increase, women in the community could start to carry firearms too - especially in the light of the feeling that the police in these settlements are not doing an adequate job.
  
  
• The highest ratio of violent crime to property crime was evident in Kwa Mashu formal settlements, followed by the Lekoa-Vaal informal settlement and the Kwa Mashu informal settlement areas.
  
  
• The highest increase in violence was measured in the Lekoa-Vaal formal settlement.
  
  
• Crime increased by more than two-thirds compared to previous years in all settlement areas except the Tsolo-Qumbo settlement area.
  
  
• The highest level of victimisation, increase in crime and level of gang activities occurred in the Kwa Mashu township (in the formal settlement, the informal settlement and the hostel areas), as well as the highest frequency of hearing gunshots.
  
  
• Respondents from Kwa Mashu indicated the greatest perceived increase in firearms compared with the other areas.
  
  
• The main reasons respondents gave for considering owning a gun were linked to issues of self-defence or protection. Looking at existing action against crime, it was found that in the Lekoa-Vaal urban area and Tsolo-Qumbo, 13.7% and 9.3% respectively of the respondents at a household level had already obtained a firearm as a crime-prevention measure.
  
  
• Across all three case-study areas there was support for better control over firearms and a desire to live in a community without firearms. The variations within the sample across settlement area, gender and age were not significant enough to single out one sub-sample as being substantially more convinced of the need to reduce firearms than any other group (with the possible exception of female respondents, respondents from Tsolo-Qumbo and respondents under the age of 20 years). Respondents saw it as desirable to reduce the number of firearms in their areas, and they would be willing to take action to do so - if and when the security situation improved. Female respondents were more supportive of this than male respondents.
  
  
• Reflecting both cultural, political and geographic influences, the respondents from Tsolo-Qumbo supported the traditional authority. This was reflected in who they identified as conflict resolution mediator, and what they considered the best structure for improving firearm controls. Apart from shying away from community-involvement type initiatives, the Tsolo-Qumbo respondents were pretty much on a par with the Lekoa-Vaal respondents as regards their recommendations.
  
  
• In the urban environments of Lekoa-Vaal and Kwa Mashu, the police were used to resolve arguments, or alternatively the matter was resolved by the respondents themselves with the help of family, friends and neighbours. The police and defence force were seen as the main role-players in action to improve controls, in conjunction with the community and existing community structures.
  
  
• The respondents identified a range of recommendations for action. These would be a useful guide to policy makers by showing what these communities would support. Of the actions recommended, 30.2% were for community-based initiatives. While the development and implementation of firearm-related policy is taking place at a national level, little grass-roots impact will be felt. During this period, the community needs to design and implement its own strategies to control firearms.