The Scandal that could end President Yayi Boni`s Rule
Considered for many years to be a testcase for democracy in West Africa, Benin has entered into a socio-political turbulence that could be detrimental to the consolidation of its democratic experiment. The latent conflict between President Yayi Boni since his rise to power in 2006 and key institutions of the country exposes the vulnerability of the democratic process. Various political actors in the country accuse the president of wanting to weaken state institutions to his own benefit. They argue that while Yayi Boni has promised upon his election to fight corruption and promote economic growth, his administration has become mired in scandals that heighten social tensions. It was under his administration that Benin experienced for the first time the phenomenon of electoral violence, though of a minor importance.
David Zounmenou, senior researcher, African Conflict Prevention Programme, ISS Pretoria
Considered for many years to be a testcase for democracy in West Africa, Benin has entered into a socio-political turbulence that could be detrimental to the consolidation of its democratic experiment. The latent conflict between President Yayi Boni since his rise to power in 2006 and key institutions of the country exposes the vulnerability of the democratic process. Various political actors in the country accuse the president of wanting to weaken state institutions to his own benefit. They argue that while Yayi Boni has promised upon his election to fight corruption and promote economic growth, his administration has become mired in scandals that heighten social tensions. It was under his administration that Benin experienced for the first time the phenomenon of electoral violence, though of a minor importance.
Corruption has effectively taken its toll on the country’s resources. Last year, funds destined to prepare for the Community of Sahel‐Saharan States Conference in Benin were embezzled. More recently, it is another financial scam that threatens the survival of the regime. This financial scam was organised at the highest level of the state and involved the Minister of Interior, Armand Zinzindohoue, and Attorney General, Georges Amoussou. These authorities condoned the fraudulent activities of a financial institution known as ICC-Services.
The ICC‐Service was set up as a credit and financial structure that would provide returns of 200% on money deposited by citizens, mainly women who own small or big businesses. From this scheme and at the expenses of its vulnerable clients, the company made an estimated 100 Billion CFA (152 Million Euro). The scam was uncovered when people never received their returns. It appears from preliminary investigations that the money was used for political and religious activities at the behest of President Yayi Boni. Some went through money laundering schemes.
A commission of inquiry hurriedly set up by the government revealed the connection between government officials and the establishment of a fraudulent financial scheme, which bypassed all existing financial regulations. ICC-Services was provided a license by the Minister of Interior who prepared the ground for the financial institution to operate dishonestly with the protection of the government. Although the President claims he has no knowledge of the scheme and the involvement of his cabinet, and has since dismissed the minister and the Attorney General, many in the country believe it is the responsibility of the government and the state to protect citizens from financial scams of such a scale.
For the main opposition leader, Andrien Houngbeji, the government and the President in particular, are to be held responsible for the scandal. He contends that the president only set up a commission of enquiry to ease popular discontent over a nation-wide financial fraud organised by ICC‐Services with the complicity of members of government; and for the president to possibly cover his own complicity. Houngbeji’s accusations were strongly rejected by Boni Yayi who has now come under increasing pressure to react.
With this scandal, it is the leadership provided by Yayi Boni over the past four years that has come under scrutiny. The president, who in 2006 won an overwhelming 75% of the votes during the presidential elections, has failed to deliver on his promise of good governance. For the majority of citizens, Yayi Boni not only failed on this, but has also contributed significantly to a deterioration of the democratic environment in Benin.
Some MPs have now called for his resignation and for the president to be tried before the High Court of Justice. As many as 50 out the 83 members of parliament issued a petition to the speaker to put the issue to vote. To pass, it will need a simple majority. The political configuration in the National Assembly is not favorable to the President. He has lost significant national support since he came to power. Most of his proposed budgets and other laws have been rejected by the parliament compelling him to resort to special presidential measures to implement them. And if the speaker submits the issue to vote, it is highly unlikely that Yayi Boni survives.
Though the parliament has in the past voted for the trial of former ministers, it would be the first time that it will have to decide on the fate of a sitting president. While waiting for the decision of the speaker, the government is in a state of general panic. Only a few months ahead of the next presidential elections in March 2011 and with a consolidated opposition movement called “United for the Nation” (Union fait la Nation) that has brought together all major political parties in Benin, President Yayi Boni faces tough times ahead. He is progressively loosing the battle over the voter registration process and his regional support base has seen the emergence of a potential candidate, Abdoulaye Bio Tchane, former Finances Minister and currently President of the West African Development Bank.
If the speaker of the parliament dismisses the petition, President Yayi Boni would have to win the next election to avoid the High Court of Justice, provided that he also obtains the majority in the parliament. But given the current domestic context, it is unlikely that both scenarios will happen. Does it mean that we are likely to see a president held accountable in court? If it happens, it is certainly going to introduce a new variable in the democratisation process in Benin and in Africa. Even his strongest supporters are concerned.
In a report submitted at the end of July, the Mediator of the Republic, Prof. Albert Tevoedjre, who was instrumental in Yayi Boni’s election in 2006, highlighted the weak leadership of the president and the disintegration of national institutions. According to Tevoedjre, Benin is in danger and urgently needs a national conference to re‐craft the political scenery, refine the social contract and bring back a sense of national consciousness based on republican values. The report raised concerns over politics, economy, education and other vital sectors of life that are becoming increasingly “informal” and that could lead to state collapse. Issued in these difficult times, the report could only compromise Yayi Boni’s chances of serving a second term in office.
