The Politics of Organised Crime in Africa
Organised crime and corruption have existed in partnership from time immemorial. Some would argue that this has been so for as long as man has engaged in economics.
Jackson Madzima, Researcher , Organised Crime and Money Laundering, ISS Cape Town Office
Organised crime and corruption have existed in partnership from time
immemorial. Some would argue that this has been so for as long as man
has engaged in economics.
In its more outrageous forms, however, the combination is said to
have manifested itself initially during the Prohibition during the
1930s in the United States of America as well as in Italy during a time
of weak and often absent government structures in large parts of the
country. It is from then that the general recognition emerged that
organised crime and corruption could easily penetrate state structures
and pose a significant threat to human and national security.
Since that time, several countries have graphically experienced the
disastrous consequences of failing to appreciate and deal with
organised crime and corruption in their infancy. Colombia and Mexico
have become synonymous with violent internal wars involving renowned
drug lords, and their powerful, politically connected syndicates in
mortal combat with state institutions. Italy and the United States,
countries linked to the origins of the Mafia, have not achieved a
sustainable conquest over organised crime, despite committing huge
resources to fighting it.
In Africa, it is contended that the lack of sufficient resources,
spefically skills and funding makes it unlikely that organised crime
and grand corruption can ever be brought under control. Some
researchers believe that the most powerful tool in fighting organised
crime is the political will to fight it. This is something that many
African governments lack.
Connections are being drawn with other parts of the world. When
crime syndicates are put under pressure in Europe, Asia and the
Americas, they often seek to relocate to Africa as a relatively safe
haven from which to rejuvenate their activities. The result has been the
rise of the African west coast as a hub for drug distribution into the
rest of Africa and as a strategic stopover for drugs destined for
markets in the rest of the world. Meanwhile, the African east coast is a
growing entry point for counterfeit commodities, precursor chemicals
for the production of narcotics and other contraband from Asia. Of
late, some sections of the east coast has been affected by maritime
piracy.
Weak governments cannot control organised crime. African
administrations are no exception. What makes it worse for the continent
is the legitimacy deficit that continues to plague a number of
governments. The legacy of anti-colonial or liberation struggles is
littered with military juntas and illegitimate governments, most with a
violent pedigree. In quite a few countries, the state system has yet
to recover from the damage wrought by decades of dictatorship.
Although it is often associated with the use of violence, organised
crime only resorts to violence when strategically necessary. If it can
exist in partnership rather than in competition with the political
establishment, organised crime opts for friction-free co-existence.
Organised crime can develop into a political vehicle through which
governments or political parties stifle political rivalry. Corruption
cements these alliances. International corporations back preferred
candidates to guarantee access to favourable business contracts.
Donations from organised criminal enterprises have been known to
sustain political parties in some countries.
Many noble initiatives by African governments to install structures
to deal effectively with organised crime and corruption have failed
primarily due to lack of political will. A semblance of intent to probe
corruption resulted in commissions of inquiry. Disappointingly, in
many instances, these commissions not only fall prey to political
pressure but their reports are normally inexplicably stored away to
gather dust. The end result is that they become ineffective or are
closed down. Both the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and the
East and Southern African Anti Money Laundering Group (ESAAMLG) has
exposed the nexus between corruption and lack of progress in
implementing measures to combat money laundering.
A particular factor that weakens the resolve to act against dealings
with proceeds of crime is the corruption of political elites, and
their circle of associates commonly referred to as “politically exposed
persons”. There is an almost palpable fear to establish structures
that might eventually return to haunt them and/or their close
associates.
It has been unequivocally established that through corruption,
criminals are able to secure protection from public officials,
influence political decisions and infiltrate state structures and
legitimate businesses. Law enforcement operations conceived at high
levels are leaked well in advance to criminals. Government procurement
systems are universally inflated to accommodate the political elite or
their agents who demand to be involved if any deals that are to be
done. There have also been anecdotal indications of the involvement of
politically exposed persons in the trafficking of contraband to or from
Europe and other parts of the world.
Those in influential positions have access to evidential information
and are well placed to destroy or dilute it should it implicate them.
It is also not uncommon for witnesses to be haunted into exile through
fear of reprisals. For this reason, convictions in grand corruption
cases tend to be few and far between - despite the known prevalence of
corruption scams. Much corruption in procurement occurs with deals for
military or security equipment. State security issues are then brought
up to stifle any investigations.
Quite a few prosecutions have been adversely affected by the taint
of being selective or politically expedient. Criminal masterminds often
get away with it, leaving only the proverbial small and expendable
fish. Criminal justice systems are heavily compromised where they are
not outright militarised or politicised. The concept of national
security is only debated to the extent that it remains politically
palatable.
The exploitation of natural resources is highly politicised and
tainted with shady figures and unscrupulous corporate heavy weights.
The world’s major powers conveniently look the other way or make loud
public noises while privately dining with the rogue governments and the
executives of major corporations plundering Africa.
While some civic society supported by countless international and
non-governmental organisations – assuming they have no vested interests
- are gallantly working towards an organised crime and grand
corruption free world, the challenges remain deeply entrenched in
African societies and in poor governance. Patience and persistence will
be required to truly make a meaningful impact. While some patriotic
and selfless men and women continue to sacrifice their lives in
answering to the thankless calling of law enforcement, it is clear that
their political handlers continue to determine what they successfully
investigate and prosecute and that they are only sufficiently equipped
and paid to stay on the job and dream of the day they will overcome the
shortcomings of the system. That is not withstanding the bad apples
amongst them. The criminal justice system, in its entirety, is
invariably compromised and malleable to the political status quo.
It is this sad concoction of factors that feeds the belief that, for
as long as African politics fail to evolve from its self-distracting
predisposition of patronage, the extermination of organised crime and
corruption is a pipe dream.
