Hope and Uncertainty as Algerians Go to Vote
On May 10th, parliamentary elections will take place in Algeria. Will 2012, the year Algerians celebrate 50 years of Independence, be decisive for democracy in the country?
Abdelkader
Abderrahmane, Senior Researcher, Conflict Prevention and Risk Analysis Division, ISS Addis Ababa Office
On May
10th, parliamentary elections will be held in Algeria. These elections are not
only marked by an early campaign that started in January, but they could also
bring profound changes. Key to the success of the elections will be the voter
turnout. The Algerian government is also
aware that things must change and has promised that these elections would be
free and transparent.
Twenty
years after elections were cancelled just as it became clear they would see the
victory of an Islamist political party, the question can be asked whether 2012,
the year Algerians celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of their independence, will
be a decisive year for both the country and the population? There is reason to
hope that this will indeed be the case.
In
retrospective of what happened during the Arab Spring, the advent of democracy
in Algeria may seem slow. However, this slow process could nonetheless lead to a well-rooted democracy in the longer
term. As the events in some Eastern European countries, as well as the current
political deadlock in Egypt indicate, the emergence of fast track democracies
are not necessarily a guarantee for stability or for a vibrant and healthy
democracy in the longer term. In this regard, it is worth recalling that
political reforms in Algeria started in 1988. This also means that the
foundations for a genuine and strong democratic development exist in the
country. The December 1991 elections were indeed the first democratic elections
in the Arab world. And more than any exogenous model, the local experience can
well be the base for the future. For Algerians, the uprisings in Tunis, Cairo
and Benghazi are nothing but the continuity of their own struggle that started
in October 1988 in Algiers.
Also,
following the ousting of former President Zine El Abedine Ben Ali of Tunisia in
January 2011, the State of Emergency in place in Algeria since January 1992 was
removed in February 2011. This decision was followed by a televised speech of President
Abdelaziz Bouteflika announcing the pursuit of political and economic reforms
already embarked upon, which would lead the country to modernity. But this is
not enough. The road to progress and
political and economic development cannot be solely found on hastily
implemented reforms.
Since
1988, new geopolitical paradigms have become a reality in Algeria and in the
Maghreb in general. North Africa’s history has taken a new direction in the
past year – something that the Algerian government must rapidly take into
account in order to include the country on the list of modern and stable
democracies. If twenty years ago, the political changes demanded by the
Algerian population may not have been possible because the Algerian leaders
were not ready to comprehend the need
for a change, but also because foreign powers did not want it to happen, this
is not the case in 2012. The attitude of external powers have changed and the conditions
that existed in the Arab world until recently have disappeared. Foreign powers
that were in favour of maintaining the status quo in 1992 are no longer
supporting this today. Furthermore, as the current Algerian Minister for
Foreign Affairs, Mourad Medelci, underscored: ‘these changes are unavoidable
from within but they are even more unavoidable when we look at what is
happening outside’.
However,
in order for changes to occur, the population must also play its role to
influence the future of the country. For a very long time, Algerians were known
for their interest in politics - something
they have lost in the last twenty years . It is therefore their duty to
reengage with the debates about the society and where it is heading. Algerians
ought to play an active role in the construction and destiny of their State; firstly
by going to vote.
Indeed,
the main question in these coming elections remains the voter turnout. In the
last parliamentary elections of 2007, only 35% of the voting population cast
their votes. This poor turnout was not only due to the inability of the
political parties to mobilise their supporters, but also due to the deep
mistrust Algerians had vis-à-vis the political parties. This year, the trend
appears to be similar, with the population nurturing a profound distrust
vis-à-vis politics. A recent poll indicated that only 50% of Algerians intend
to vote on May 10th.
In order
to avoid such a scenario that would undoubtedly discredit these elections in
the eyes of the Algerian population and the international community the
Algerian government has promised that these elections would be free and
transparent. As a guarantee, Algiers has requested the presence of foreign
observers from the African Union, the European Union, the Arab League and the Organisation of the Islamic
Cooperation . But beyond these promises of transparency, it is the debates
among political parties and editorialists that may indicate that these
elections could signify a real change in Algerian politics.
Indeed,
many commentators who are above reproach when it comes to sympathy with the government
have considered the consequences of a
boycott. In this regard, Louisa Hanoune, the General Secretary of the Parti des
Travailleurs (Workers Party) has on numerous occasions qualified these
elections as a ‘ very important rendez-vous with history’. Even the Front des
Forces Socialistes (FFS or Socialist Front Forces), the historical opposition
party par excellence, which has
refused to participate in elections it considered to be fraudulent, have this
year decided to participate to the electoral race. The leaders of the FFS
indeed believe that these elections could bring the political change so long
awaited in the country. Indicatively, these elections should lead to a new
Constitution whereby the parliament will have greater power.
Within a
complex political system, Abdelaziz Bouteflika has, since his accession to the
presidency in 1999, not only cunningly managed to stay in power, but also
brought peace and stability to the country. He has also embarked on profound
political and economic reforms. His televised speech on April 2011 points in
this direction. Also, by going to the polls on May 10th, Algerians would indicate
their desire that the reforms promised by the president last year should continue.
An Algeria
where democracy, pluralism and good governance prevail within an egalitarian
Maghreb, can only be beneficial for the population of the entire region. Also
while celebrating 50 years of independence, Algerian leaders ought to go back
to the very essence of the events of November 1st, 1954 that led to the
independence of the country. And in this period of great changes within the
region, Algeria and Algerians have an immense opportunity to finally board the
train to democracy and modernity.
The
Algerian government cannot ignore the legitimate demands of the population that
are not any different to those already expressed in October 1988. If they decided to boycott this crucial
electoral rendez-vous, Algerians would take the risk of strengthening those elements
within the government opposed to any profound political and economic reforms. They
would also risk missing the opportunity of a real socio-political and economic
change in the country. As the former Algerian Minister for Communication and
Culture, Aboubakr Belkaid, once said, ‘the battles we lose are those that we do
not engage in’.