ISS Seminar Report: The South African Defence Review 2012 - Consultative and Informative Public Meeting
Date: 2012-04-25
Venue: , ISS Seminar Room,
Block C, Brooklyn Court,
361 Veale Street,
New Muckleneuk,
Visitors are requested to park at the Brooklyn Mall Shopping Centre and walk across to the ISS. Please do not park in front of ABSA Bank or in reserved park
RSVP:
Sarah
Malefo
Tel: 012 346 9500
Fax: 012 460 0997
E-mail:[email protected]
Note: ISS Seminars are nominally run under ‘ISS rules’
to allow for freedom of expression. In this instance, due to the nature of the
event remarks are attributed to the first two presenters but not during the
discussion component.
Introduction
The conference commenced with the chair, Dr Jakkie Cilliers,
greeting participants and thanking the Defence Review Committee (DRC) for the
opportunity to host and contribute to this important process. He acknowledged
the immense amount of work that went into the creation of the draft 2012 South
African Defence Review (DR).
Mr. Roelf Meyer, chairperson of the DRC, proceeded to contextualise
the DR and current consultation period by explaining the history of the review.
The process was characterised as long overdue, particularly given the
significant changes in the defence environment that have occurred since the
previous DR.
Mr. Nick Sendall then presented a strategic overview of the draft
DR, noting that the
DRC had been tasked to reflect on the following critical questions:
- What did the Southern African region and the African
continent expect of South Africa?
- What was the nature of the South African National Defence
Force (SANDF) that South Africans wanted?
- What could Government`s defence commitment be?
- What could South Africa`s future defence posture be?
- What state of readiness, capabilities and force levels were required
to meet present and future defence commitments?
- What was to be the high-level defence doctrine and on what
was it to be based?
- What was the ideal relative size of Regulars and Reserves in
the SANDF?
- What was the required SANDF culture?
- What was the nature of the Defence Industry required to
support the future SANDF?
Mr. Sendall
reviewed the key deliverables and approaches, stating that the DR did not limit
itself to high-level policy and strategy matters. It also addresses and focuses
its attention on matters of defence doctrine, defence capabilities, defence
structural arrangements, and accounting for resources provided. In the short term,
it provides a robust platform for the Minister to argue the defence case. In
the longer term, it provides a twenty- to thirty-year defence vision at the
levels of policy, high-level doctrine, strategy and structure. Moreover, the
requirement exists for intermediate evaluation and revision every five years. Mr.
Sendall proceeded to outline the overarching defence principles upon which the
DR was predicated:
Principle 1: The SANDF will strive to be seen as a representative and trusted
non-partisan national asset. The SANDF will be respected by the people of South
Africa and the international community for the standard of military
professionalism it cultivated and maintained.
Principle 2: The SANDF will adhere to sound civil control and robust
legislative oversight. The SANDF will be fully compliant with national and
international law, and specifically international humanitarian law, national
policy and regulatory frameworks. Due recognition will be given to the unique
nature of the SANDF relative to the public service.
Principle 3: The SANDF will strategically adopt a defensive posture but maintain
offensive operational capabilities. The defence mandate, mission, goals and
tasks were to be focused on the attainment of national strategic
effects. The resource allocations to Defence will therefore to be
quantified to ensure that the appropriate combat readiness, mission levels and
contingencies requirements were sustained.
Principle 4: The SANDF will be maintained as a balanced modern, flexible,
technologically advanced force supported by a singular overarching information
technology infrastructure. The SANDF will be appropriately equipped to execute
successful operations across the spectrum of conflict. The SANDF will be
multi-role trained with all capabilities embedded with firepower, protection,
manoeuvre, sustainment and intelligence.
Principle 5: Leadership and professionalism will be the cornerstone of
strategic, operational and tactical success. SANDF members will be skilled,
healthy, fit, and highly disciplined professionals imbued with a high level of
morale and sense of duty. Similarly, exemplary, competent, ethical and dynamic
leaders will lead them. The leadership philosophy will be that of Mission
Command.
Principle 6: The SANDF will be organised into combat formations and there will
be a clear distinction between command and staff functions. Command lines will
be clear and unambiguous. Commanders will have the required delegations and be
held accountable and responsible for and have commensurate authority over all
resources allocated for the execution of their assigned mandates.
Principle 7: The SANDF, as an important pillar of the South African state, will
contribute to national development primarily by creating the security
conditions necessary for development to take place, and secondly through
specific interventions as may be required from time to time to meet national
priorities. The SANDF will be the provider of last resort during times of
national disaster, national emergency or civil turbulence.
Mr. Sendall then
discussed the thematic areas of the review, summarising each chapter of the
document.
Chapter 1 focused on the mandate given to the DRC, the requirement for a new DR
and the role of Defence Policy in the national policy framework. In addition it
discussed the fundamental principles underpinning the DR 2012.
Chapter 2 provided an understanding of the South African state, its people, its
political, economic and legal systems and geography. This chapter posited the
unique challenges facing South Africa as a democratic developmental state,
which include poverty, income inequality, unemployment, education and crime.
The chapter finally examined the role that defence can play in a developmental
state.
Chapter 3 provided an understanding of the global, continental, regional and
domestic security environments and some of the implications thereof for South
Africa. Moreover, it articulated the future strategic environment, vis-a-vis
the ‘African Battle Space’ and posited conclusions for defence in relation to
this security environment.
Chapter 4 unpacked contemporary defence expenditure at the global, African and
sub-regional levels. South African defence spending is analysed over a
fifty-year period. Implications are indicated in terms of defence capabilities,
defence readiness, personnel, operating and capital allocations. Finally,
conclusions are given in relation to defence budgeting.
Chapter 5 discussed the emergent national security strategy, which was
expressed as a construct and posited South Africa’s national interests. The
South African National Security Construct was articulated and the specific
defence contribution thereto was expressed, especially in terms of the
determination of national interests and the determination of the national
security ambition. The chapter culminated in five strategic national security
effects to be pursued by all forms of national power in South Africa.
Chapter 6
identified and unpacked the defence mandate emanating from the Constitution and
other statutes into a defence mission, five strategic goals and 15 high-level defence
tasks. Each task was expressed in terms of its defence effect, which was a
paradigm shift from a threat-based approach to defence policy and strategy to
an approach that was based on desired defence effects.
Chapter 7 illustrated the future spectrum of conflict and the future conflict
geographies identified. These included the landward sphere, maritime sphere,
aeronautic sphere, space sphere and information sphere. A range of future
defence contingencies were identified that included inter-state contingencies
and intra-state contingencies. The chapter also discussed the determination of
key defence concepts and the identification of key defence capability sets.
In chapter 8, the
DR’s adoption of an effects-based approach allowed for South Africa’s ‘scale of
defence effort’ to be postulated. The defence mandate, mission, strategic goals
and tasks were systematically unpacked to determine the scale of the defence
effort required for each and the concomitant defence capability requirements.
This scale of effort remains the fundamental basis for the development of the
FD. Many countries described the scale of defence effort as the ‘level of
defence ambition’.
Chapter 9 posited the level of effort required for South Africa to meet these
strategic goals and high-level tasks and identified the required core defence
capabilities. This allowed for comprehensive guidelines to be posited for the
defence FD. The chapter also focused on high-level force design (FD)
requirements for the SA Army, SA Air Force, SA Navy, SA Military Health Service
and the SA Special Forces. Furthermore, it outlined the requirement for a
blueprint FD and force structure (FS) to be developed by the CSANDF.
In chapter 10, the future defence organisation was posited, ranging from the
key tenets for the Ministry of Defence (MoD) and the
repositioning of the Defence Secretariat within the Ministry. This chapter also
focused on the pronouncement on Civil Control and the Defence Organisation,
with particular emphasis on the President as ‘Commander-in-Chief’, civil
control as exercised by the Minister of Defence, parliamentary oversight and a
specific proposal on the reorganisation of the Ministry of Defence and the
Defence Head Quarter, specific ‘Defence Accountability Arrangements’, the
introduction of a uniform command and staff system, and the realignment of the
SANDF into combat formations. Importantly, the establishment of a comprehensive
Defence Service Commission and a Defence Ombudsperson was proposed to provide
comprehensively for defence personnel outside the general public service. This
chapter also proposed the establishment of a Defence Materiel Organisation, an
Independent Tender Board, a Defence Estates Agency, a Defence Heritage Agency
and a revised Reserve Force Council. The chapter concluded by focusing on
bringing Denel closer to the SANDF.
In chapter 11, a number of important and key interventions were posited, based
on the observations of the DRC during its diagnostic and orientation process.
These interventions included an integrated defence information system; defence
service commission; defence ombudsperson; military leadership; the reserve
component; defence training; defence discipline; defence organisational
structuring; defence organisational performance; and the health of the force.
Chapter 12 discussed the proposal of high-level strategies for defence
resources regarding combat service support doctrine; defence personnel
management; defence logistics management; defence information management; defence
financial management; defence facilities footprint; and defence environmental
management.
Chapter 13 detailed the fundamentals for future defence and procurement
strategies. It identified the focus areas and strategic and niche areas and
discussed the future positioning of the defence industry.
The second session
commenced with comments by respondent Major General (retired) Len Le Roux on
behalf of the ISS.
The process
Regarding the process, the respondent argued that it was a pity that
public consultation came so late in the process. He said that civil society
would have preferred up-front consultations to assist in identifying the issues
that needed to be addressed. He expressed his hope that this consultation would
be seen as the start of the public consultation process and that sufficient
opportunity would be provided for in-depth studies of the draft, debate and
participation.
Policy framework
Gen. le Roux said that the major issue that he had identified in
studying the draft was that of the basic logic of the resulting policy
framework. He understood that the draft itself stated clearly that it would not
address FD or FS. This and budgetary issues would be addressed in a later
process. This presents a problem as the draft claims to present defence policy
that is supportive of Government’s priorities and strategic intent and this is
not possible without a clear understanding of the budgetary implications of
such policy. Policy must be implementable to be of any value and implementable
policy has a price tag. The draft refers to the ends, ways and means logic in
policy and arrives at a capabilities statement, but this without cost. He said
that the Chairperson, in his briefing at the launch of the DR process, had stated
that that the draft would express on capabilities within budgetary limits.
However, this was missing in the current draft. There is no indication of the
annual budgetary cost of the stated capabilities in the draft. These
capabilities are stated to be a 30-year future vision but no priorities for
short- to medium-term force development are provided for in the draft. This
means that the draft does not address the current dilemma of the SANDF, namely
that of a gross mismatch between defence policy (as it is being practised) and
defence funding. This policy draft therefore does not serve to solve the
SANDF’s short-term problems.
Gen. le Roux went on to argue that the process for development of
the draft policy is presented as a ‘mandate-driven approach’ and that fiscal
considerations were not taken into account. This is very unrealistic as a
mandate that is unaffordable is little more than a pipe dream. It would be far
better to talk of a ‘mandate-driven but cost-constrained approach’ to policy
development as this will result in implementable policy and an affordable and
sustainable FD (capability statement) and FS.
Priorities and options
Gen.
le Roux then said that security was all about risk avoidance, alleviation and combating
and that as such a risk analysis should be included in security policy. Only in
this way can the various tasks that can be deduced from the defence mandate of
the SANDF be prioritised and options generated. He argued that policy decisions
should be based on a clear understanding of the associated risks, suggested
priorities and alternative options. The current draft did not provide such a
basis for policy decisions. The draft itself states in chapter 1, page 43,
paragraph 28b that ‘Affordability,
likewise, can only be measured relative to both a specified affordability
baseline (the known defence allocation) and the level of defence ambition. The
highest level expression of balance is thus the balance between South Africa’s
national interests and ambitions, the defence capabilities required to support
these and consequent alignment of the defence allocation.’ Despite this
statement, the associated logic seems to be absent in the draft. In his opinion
there is no such thing as 100% security and policy makers should thus be made
aware of the implications of their decisions as regards both risk and cost. The
draft falls short of this.
Defence capabilities and
level of defence effort
The draft arrives at a statement of required defence capabilities
and the level of defence effort in chapters 7 and 8. These are stated to be the
vision for thirty years in the future. This is actually presented in the form
of a broad FD. There is, however, no clear indication in the draft as to the
logic for this particular level of defence. The stated requirement for 1
mechanised division, 1 motorised division, 1 squadron multi-role fighters and 2
conventional submarines, for example, is not explained in the document. It
could easily be asked why these levels cannot be halved or doubled.
The statement of a 30-year vision FD is in itself problematic. In
the previous chapters the draft refers to the issues of unpredictability and
fluidity in the environment. The simple fact that this policy update is necessary
due to major changes in the strategic environment over the past 14 years (since
the approval of the previous DR), and the practise of doing a DR every 4 years
in most modern democracies, demonstrate the inadvisability of such an approach.
To define the SANDF for 30 years into the future and then to follow a set
‘growth path’ to achieve this vision seems problematic. Gen. le Roux argued
that an approach based on short- and medium-term requirements parallel to a
vision FD would allow for better flexibility and adaptation as the strategic
environment changed.
Defence posture: collaborative
defence and security
Gen.
le Roux then argued that one of the major changes in the strategic environment
since 1998 was the development of the new African Peace and Security
Architecture (APSA). At continental level this includes the AU Peace and
Security Council (AUPSC), the Common African Defence and Security Policy, the
Continental Early Warning System (CEWS), the African Standby Force (ASF) and at
the Southern African Development Community (SADC) level the Organ on Politics
Defence and Security, the Mutual Defence Pact and the Regional Standby Brigade
(RSB). These are all well argued in the draft, as is the importance of
Confidence and Security Building Measures (CSBMs) and defence diplomacy. The
draft commits South Africa to multi-lateral defence options and restates the SA
defence strategy of (i) co-operation, (ii) prevention and (iii) use of force as
a last option, as defined in the 1996 White Paper on Defence. Despite this, the
draft appears to fall back on the previous concepts of a primary function of
the SANDF being defence against external aggression and the need for deterrence
based on own capabilities. Paragraph 16 on page 127 states: ‘South Africa must be able to defend itself
autonomously without having to rely on another country. The Defence Force will
be maintained as a formidable fighting force that can decisively and
successfully defend South Africa’s land, air, sea and cyber spaces, vital interests
and strategic lines of communication.’ This seems to be in contradiction to
the previous arguments in this paragraph. It is submitted that the primary
function of the SANDF should be redefined to align it with the concepts of
collaborative defence and security. The primary function of the SANDF should be
to serve as an instrument for conflict prevention and conflict intervention in
the hands of Government.
Looking
at the logic of FD and developments in many European and other countries such
as Canada and Australia, there seems to be an approach to allow for two drivers;
namely an expeditionary force and a homeland protection force. This seems to
follow the logic of conflict prevention, management and intervention (under
international mandate) as priority tasks for modern defence forces.
Confidence-building
defence
The 1998 DR
presented an FD based on these principles of confidence-building or
non-provocative defence. It argued in paragraph 72 of Chapter 8 that ‘this option involves major deviations from present capabilities and doctrine, and
will require more study before it can be recommended. If future tendencies are
in this direction, Option 1 will be an acceptable base for such development.’
Gen. le Roux also stated that there was no evidence that the DRC considered
this concept in its deliberations.
Confidence and security-building measures
These are
discussed in Chapter 6 on page 150 in paragraph 90. Gen. le Roux said that he
missed references to a regional arms register (AU and SADC) in this discussion.
Civil control
The speaker said that he agreed with the new approach to the
placement of the Defence Secretariat inside the MoD, but questioned the
placement of the Defence Inspectorate. He said that for the Minister to be able
to execute effective civil control it was necessary to provide the MoD with an
effective monitoring capability and this was the role of the Inspectorate. The
CSANDF could provide for an own internal inspection function for internal
monitoring and control purposes.
SANDF contribution to the
developmental agenda
Gen. le Roux said that he welcomed this approach, as he did not
believe that developing countries could afford defence forces that had no
peacetime utility for internal development. However, he warned of the danger of
‘mission creep’ and advised that this should be closely monitored. He also said
that where such contributions were outside the ambit of the collateral utility
of the SANDF, they had to be additionally funded so as not to deplete defence
resources.
Efficiency
According to Gen. le Roux he found little if any reference in the
draft to efficiency improvement measures. He stated that where funding was
limited, the first obligation of the MoD and SANDF decision makers must be to
ensure maximum efficiency within current programmes. He doubted that this was
the case currently and mentioned the poor ‘tooth-to-tail’ ration of the
SANDF/DoD as an example to be addressed.
Reserves
The intended use of the Reserve in the future appeared uncertain.
Were they to be used purely as a conventional reserve or was some form of
territorial Reserve also envisaged? He argued for the reinstatement of the
concept of territorial reserves as this provided the SANDF with great
flexibility in the execution of its peacetime tasks as well as in supporting
the SA developmental agenda.
The VVIP issue
Gen. le Roux said that he was unable to find any reference to the
concept of VVIPs (Very Very Important Persons) anywhere other than in SA
Governmental literature. He was concerned about the unaffordable strain it
could place on state coffers. Too many SA officials claimed and were afforded
this preferential status. He expressed his particular concern with the
statement that ‘the short term focus (for
the SAAF) must be on increasing its VVIP capability’ on page 234 in
paragraph 22 and the statement that the migration priority for the South
African Air Force (SAAF) will be ‘meeting
the full requirement for VIP transport’. He said that this was
contradictory to the ‘mandate-driven approach’ that the draft DR claims to have
taken.
Contingency budgets
The speaker expressed his concern with the concept of a contingency
budget within the SANDF budget. He expressed his conviction that the Treasury
should hold all contingency funds for the State.
Peace missions
The White Paper on Peace Missions was referenced and Gen. le Roux
expressed his concern that provisions regarding the responsibilities of the
Department of Foreign Affairs and the Treasury were not always adhered to. He
asked whether this white paper would be reviewed in line with the new defence
policy in development.
Defence industry
Gen. le Roux noted that he had encountered much interest in defence
industry cooperation during his travels in Africa. He was of the view that
African militaries were looking at South Africa to take the lead on such
cooperation. This was also evident in the pronouncements of the SADC Mutual
Defence Pact. However, he missed any reference to such an approach in the draft
DR.
The
Third Session
Roundtable
discussion and flagging of issues for unpacking
Participants noted that the DR was occurring alongside reviews that had
a foreign policy and intelligence content, which necessitated greater
contextualisation within the DR. It was further queried whether agenda setting remained
a subject for deliberation.
Role of defence in
developmental state
Participants sought to unpack this role, as it is boldly asserted in
the document. Does the SANDF, as an instrument of state, which has as its core
the use of legal force, have a role to play in the developmental agenda and should
it utilise its capacity in peacetime?
Participants noted the emphasis placed upon the notion of the
developmental state, which also raised the implicit question of the role that
South Africa was fulfilling and what it aspired to be – an aspiring middle
power or regional military power. It was noted that there was a lack of
emphasis regarding discussions of defence diplomacy, the use of coercive
diplomacy and the links between them.
Regarding the role of the SANDF, participants noted that this review
could be seen as an opportunity to decide upon the relationship between the
SANDF and society. It was argued that if a former SANDF member re-joined
society both prepared and able to participate, the perception of the SANDF as being
parasitic would be reduced.
The manner in which the SANDF made it case for increasing its stake
in the budget was questioned. The efforts in the document to link core mandate
activities to development was seen as one way, despite the fact that the troops
could have functions in the SANDF that were insufficient for broader systematic
societal development processes. Participants also flagged the unclear usage of
the term ‘developmental peacekeeping’ in the document on pg. 154, paragraph
102. Such a term was seen as an aberration in peacekeeping and development and
could not be included successfully without creating confusion.
Participants commented on the proposed creation of the Defence
Materiel Group and the position of Denel in the acquisition process. In
addition, the definition of a South African-based company could arguably
exclude some companies that might otherwise be included within the definition.
What informs the document?
While participants felt that the DR admirably unpacked and discussed
the strategic and contextual environment, it was argued that this was very
global and not South African focused or specific. This raised the question of
the perceived role of South Africa and therefore the SANDF in the global
community. The long-term vision approach of the document negated the provision
of clarity on the more immediate realities and the positioning of the SANDF to
be able to play its role in the short to
medium term.
On the issue of support to the South African developmental agenda,
concern was expressed that this was not sufficiently unpacked. One participant
said that ‘development should be left for developmental practitioners’ and that
this was not a role for soldiers. There should also be a much clearer role
differentiation in the developmental state than that supplied in the draft DR.
Furthermore, the possibility of the securitisation of development, whereby all
issues might be represented as security issues, was cautioned against.
The issue of cost constraint informing the document was again
discussed and it was noted that if any policy document was not informed by
financial constraints and considered possible treasury reaction then it was likely
to become irrelevant. A purely mandate-driven approach was questioned, given
that the mandate was broadly interpreted. Instead, the review should rather
examine what the SANDF is for and how likely it is to be employed in the short
to medium term – including how it needs to contribute to regional peace support
operations in collaboration with partners.
Civil control and oversight
Issues around civil control and defence oversight were highlighted,
as these had arisen in part due to frustrated previous efforts at clarification
and institutionalisation.
The idea of a non-partisan, professional military as referred to in
the document was a departure from the present situation. In addition,
participants expressed concern that the developmental state had been used as a
code or blanket term that in fact obfuscated serious cleavages in ideology and
practice within the South African political system. The debate around the use
and management of the SANDF would therefore remain ideological and it was
queried whether there would be a Liberationist or Liberal Democratic approach
given that they had significantly different approaches to management.
Participants proceeded to note that the forthcoming African National
Congress (ANC) conference in Mangaung was unlikely to discuss Defence Policy
under current circumstances, yet the review proposed substantial changes from
the direction embarked upon in the 1990s. Whilet Peace and Security, Police and
Justice have received mention in ANC discussion documents, there have been no
mention of Defence, arguably a political tactic on the part of the MoD to
retain control of the debate.
Positive comments were made regarding the document’s support for
mission command, yet presently there was far too much centralisation of
decision-making. A palpable fear of taking decisions was evident at lower
levels and this was prevalent throughout the SANDF. Overcoming this problem
requires more than just a number of references in the review. This was further
linked to a contemporary reluctance to assume responsibility within the SANDF,
which effectively amounts to a decision-making apoplexy. The importance of
incorporating ‘mission command’ within the SANDF was emphasised.
Participants expressed some concern at the idea that the CSANDF’s
role would expand to include duties and responsibilities as the Head of
Department and Accounting Officer. It was argued that the CSANDF would be
relieved of a great deal of unnecessary decision-making if the Secretary for
Defence continued to execute these responsibilities.
A clear definition of Civil Control was subsequently sought, with
discussions eventually agreeing that this largely meant financial control and
the Defence Secretary acting as an agency of Parliament. The principle of
financial control does not mean that they must oversee the conduct of the
CSANDF, but rather how the CSANDF allocates and spends the budget.
The term ‘civil oversight’ was taken to mean control by the civis, i.e. government authority, and
overseen and directed by the government of the day, the President as Commander
in Chief, the appointed Defence Minister and parliamentary control.
Participants also recommended the maintenance of a civilian and
policy advice function within the secretariat. In the past military
intelligence had provided such advice, yet it had lacked the sophisticated
political knowledge necessary to advise the Minister, the SANDF, the President
and Parliament. This lack of advice remained a gap in the SANDF and
participants proceeded to raise the question of importing temporary Department
of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO) officials to distribute good
advice on policy and on financial control. This would consequently relieve the
CSANDF and SANDF commanders of the burden of financial matters, as this is a
matter in which few possess the necessary knowledge and training.
The second aspect regarding civil control pertains to civic education.
While mentioned in the DR, participants noted that in the past high-ranking
officers and members of the secretariat had been reluctant to engage in these
activities. This should receive more prominence in the review. Participants
further noted that casual references to civic education were made, whereas it was
a responsibility that needed to be reviewed in greater detail. Moreover, the
Military Academy’s institutional role was threatened as it was reduced from an
institution with professional officers providing broad civic education, to
something that resembled a training institute within the SANDF.
Participants queried whether a military office was to be established
in the Presidency based on the constitutional duties of the President as
Commander-in-Chief, to which others expressed reservations due to current
political interference in security issues.
When questioned why the position of the Department of Veterans
Affairs was not discussed in the document, the Review group responded that it was
a separate department. Therefore the DR focuses solely on defence given the
long-term focus, from which such a department would be absent, in the document.
Participants proceeded to discuss the rationalisation of
parliamentary committees. Critical discussion ensued on the model used by the Joint
Standing Committee on Intelligence (JSCI), as this would likely require a
review to ensure that potential debate was not stifled. At present members are
subject to a party caucus and therefore mitigating options need to be explored.
These included proposals that the appointed chairperson did not come from the
ruling party, as well as a rotating chairpersonship so as to increase public
confidence in the procedure.
Peace support operations
Discussants proceeded to analyse the problems encountered in peace support
operations, particularly when it concerned contingent owned equipment. While
South Africa remains one of the few countries to deploy with its own equipment,
it has nevertheless lost millions in reimbursement because of the absence of
capacity and will to satisfactorily maintain equipment.
The example of Ghana was discussed, where funding from peace support
operations contributes to its defence budget and Ghanaian deployments are
effectively reimbursed. This was cited as a major factor for the lack of coups
in Ghana, as well as the increasing professionalisation of its officers and
troops. Participants recommended that the SANDF research comparative
reimbursement programmes.
Participants identified a number of reasons that accounted for the
failure to secure reimbursement. These were, firstly, the neglect of the
SANDF’s capacity and capabilities to maintain and service equipment for
operations. Sending troops can result in UN reimbursement, but this presupposes
that the deployed troops are both effective and efficient. Consequently, it was
recommended that focusing on first-line maintenance should be recognised as a
crucial responsibility during deployments.
Participants expressed concern that while the SANDF was deployed for
secondary functions, only the primary function remained fully funded. The
reinstatement of tasks such as border control and anti-poaching patrols to the
SANDF also required appropriate funding.
Given the fundamental nature of
military intervention, the DR requires greater explication and clarity on this
issue. Moreover, these matters must be related back to the debate on collaborative
security, particularly regarding the ASPA.
Reference was made to cases of
intervention in dire circumstances, under Chapter 7 of the UN Charter. It was
noted that such guiding instruments as the charters and constitutive acts of
the United Nations, AU and SADC, in addition to continental and regional
protocols and pacts, provided the document’s orientation, as well as point of
departure. Intervention would, therefore, take place in accordance with these
requirements. However, it was also noted that in the future there could be
circumstances and events that would merit and require urgent intervention.
Despite the document’s
orientation and focus on expeditionary capability, the document does not
satisfactorily address requirements for an expeditionary-type force. While it
was acknowledged that the image of expeditionary was a sensitive matter given
South Africa’s historical role, an expeditionary focus was nevertheless one
option to assist bringing peace and security to unstable situations.
Defence industry
A more Africa-focused approach by the defence industry was seen as
an important method of contributing to building regional peace and security and
advancing the concepts of collaborative security. The importance of research,
development, test and evaluation within the SANDF and the defence industry was
also noted. It was argued that the defence industry should closely align itself
with SANDF needs in this regard. The industry could contribute to technical
training within the SANDF as well as in supplying training and work
opportunities for ex-SANDF members who are retrenched from the SANDF.
Participants noted that the DR implied additional government
responsibilities, given that any country with a strong defence industry was one
where the government played a large role. Moreover, defence exports are
foremost a foreign policy matter, since arms sales to a country is perceived as
a vote of confidence in that country.
Participants sought to identify the major impacts upon the defence
industry and identify the key local products to develop and source. Ensuring
that the industry focuses on efficient and cost-effective procurement is also a
concern of the DR. In addition, it was argued that more engagement would be
required from the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI), the Department of
Science and Technology (DST), DIRCO and the Cabinet Security Cluster.
One suggestion for benefitting the SANDF and society was to procure
equipment offsets and close the skills gap through training and education, as
the SANDF was ideally situated within South Africa’s development-security
nexus. Participants also explored support for long-term possibilities of
strategic research through the inclusion of part of the CSIR in addition to the
SANDF, Armscor and Denel.
The Defence Inspectorate
One of the major changes in the DR involved the moving of the
Defence Inspectorate from the secretariat to the SANDF. It was argued that the
Defence Inspectorate belonged in the Secretariat rather than in the SANDF, as
it principally served the Minister in exercising effective control over the
SANDF. As every level of an organisation should have an internal audit
capacity, both an internal audit and IG function should also be established in
the SANDF. Given that the Minister requires monitoring of the execution of
policies, plans and finances, an audit function alone, as recommended in the
review, can only serve him/her in regards to finances.
Staffing and human resource
issues
Participants noted that the SANDF had an affordability problem and
that full-time professional soldiers were costly. Participants proceeded to
critically discuss the idea of a ‘voluntary’ national service that could reduce
the defence personnel bill, feed the reserve force and moderately reduce South
Africa’s unemployment figures. In addition participants critically discussed
the inadequacies of the Military Skills Development System (MSDS).
While aiming for a smaller professional defence force, government
clearly lacked the political will to enforce an exit mechanism. The retention
of a professional defence force requires performance assessment and rigorous
training. The current system produces a bottleneck effect at the top of the
SANDF, stifling promotions among lower ranks and leading to dissatisfaction. It
was proposed that this could be rectified by a proper flow-through system. This
was identified as one of the reasons why so many graduates of the MSDS are
retained, and as the cause of the ballooning of the HR budget.
The sensitive issue of altering the ‘tooth-to-tail’ ratio was
identified. Readers of the DR have the right to ask how the SANDF requests
additional funding while maintaining a larger management component than is
necessary. Furthermore, there was recognition in the document that a high
proportion of personnel did not meet their post profiles. In this regard,
threshold innovations for exit to take place were seen as useful, which linked to issues of education
for civilian life and possible employment in private security companies.
Greater efficiency and effectiveness would be required as part of a massive
process of right-sizing the DoD.
It was also noted that the review proposed a comprehensive review of
the military disciplinary system, including the introduction of a military
ombudsperson, as well as the decoupling of rank and pay. The latter would
correct a system that was based on the principle that retaining qualified
people necessitated their promotion so as to offer them an increased salary.
Some participants expressed reservations about these steps. In order to still
access recruits, it was proposed that the intake system be aimed to feed the
reserve component. After training, recruits would form a pool from which they
could be selected and invited to participate in the regular component.
Regarding the role and relationship with private security and military
companies (PSMC), participants noted thatclarification was required on how best to prevent the loss of personnel to
such companies. In addition, clarification was required regarding the
definitions and consistency of terms applied in the DR (where corporations and
companies have been used interchangeably).
Roles and responsibilities
Participants questioned whether the SANDF should own all
capabilities or whether outsourcing would be advantageous on occasion and
factored into the debate on collaborative security. An option discussed was the
creation of regional centres of expertise, provided on a broad basis, so that
all regional defence forces can provide services to one another. Other
participants argued that a lack of capacity in neighbouring countries and on the
continent might scupper this proposal. In addition, outsourcing could be an
unviable option during crises as such equipment might not be readily
available.
Roles and mission
Participants cautioned that while the document was visionary and
expansive, it was also likely to be prohibitively expensive and would therefore
not receive the necessary support from treasury and stakeholders. Fundamentally
this requires a prioritisation in the goals and tasks set out in the DR.
Clarifying the logic and order of prioritisation would also assist future
career and training models, which are fundamental for effective HR planning and
budgeting.
This leaves open the question of future operations, as the DoD must
not be perceived as planning or ‘fighting the last war’. The DR needs greater
focus on the immediate and near term priorities such as peacekeeping
operations, border control and support to the police. Given the importance of
the issue of collaborative defence within the APSA, more attention should be
given to future operations. It was also suggested that the final DR be written
in a language understandable to the general public. The 1996 White Paper was
mentioned as a good example.
Contingency budget
Participants argued that the use
of the term ‘contingency budget’ in the DR had contributed to confusion and
resulted in a number of varying interpretations from what the DRC had intended.
Moreover, while the term contingency was applicable and existed for those
operations for which the budget was insufficient, it was argued that this was
not tantamount to a scenario in which the SANDF could simply access money.
Rather, funds would be applied for with the Treasury if so required and granted
or refused based on a case-by-case analysis.
Participants were informed that the 1998 White Paper on Peace Missions
was undergoing a review, a process that also involved DIRCO, as the optimum
outcome would be a close alignment of the two documents.
Gender
Participants noted that the issue
of gender had not received much attention or mention in the DR, as well as in
the day’s discussions. It was recommended that the process of consultation
should be expanded so as to include a specific gender consultation session or
event that would generate further insights and therefore improve the document.
Response of the DRC
A member of the DRC was nominated
to respond to the discussions and issues. The respondent stated that while
drafting the document, the committee faced the dilemma of where to begin. This
was accomplished by reflecting on the key questions from the start, namely
identifying the salient points, as well as irrelevant topics and the identity
of the target audience. The document had been written primarily as a policy
document, detailing government expectations of the SANDF, and secondarily as a
guide for the SANDF.
While writing a policy document
was fairly simple, the need to engage with issues of strategy and doctrine
remained complex, requiring the systematic consideration and drafting of ideas
that addressed and jumped between various levels.
The external environment within
which South Africans are situated also informs the document. This did not,
however, reduce the consideration of the domestic environment. In addition it
was written while noting that government/ administration focus and priority may
change – on the basis there have been changes in South Africa administrations –
for instance the differing levels of effort and focus on Africa. The issue of
national security had been articulated in careful engagement and consultation
with DIRCO.
The experience of European
countries was discussed, as comprehensive DRs had often been conducted there,
but changing political and economic dynamics necessitated urgent revisions and
resulted in budget cuts. In view of the fact that current political and
economic realities could change the political environment in a short space of
time, it was asked how a long-term projection could be created. Therefore a
prudent examination was recommended that determined what the SANDF was mandated
to do and the necessary level of energy and expenditure for compliance with the
mandate – if this could not be funded, then it could be necessary to re-examine
what should be changed or suspended in the mandate.
Turning to the issue of
collaborative defence, the DRC argued that contemporary economic unity was not
sufficiently equated to political unity in the region. Countries continue to have
differing security concerns and faced numerous difficulties in the creation and
institutionalisation of security communities. Security and defence therefore
continue to be regarded as too important to be totally abrogated, with states
retaining some capability to defend themselves.
The peace support and
expeditionary focus issues were discussed next. The SANDF had previously
organised itself as though it were a private company, therefore this was
changed back to a military focus, which would in turn bring focus back to its
primary task in terms of training, structuring and equipping. This would tie
into the issue of collaborative defence while still retaining the capability of
defence.
When linking this to issues in HR
and staffing, the ‘tooth-to-tail’ ratio remains a sensitive issue that will
have to be addressed politically. Furthermore, the respondent commented on the
Military Academy, which was recognised as a major challenge, but whose identity
and purpose needed clarification.
In regards to civil control and
oversight the review seeks to strengthen oversight by capacitating the
Minister, but increases the accountability of the CSANDF. These changes would occur
simultaneously alongside the revision of the military disciplinary and justice
system, which has arguably failed and is directly impacting discipline and
consequently operational efficiency.
The DRC respondent acknowledged
that the SANDF’s developmental role required additional explication. While
development would not become securitised, the lack of security affected
development. An instrument of state with capabilities should be put to use in
the developmental state. This touched upon the developmental status of the
country, as the subject of poverty and job creation could not be ignored in the
overall environment as they also had security implications. Reaction to this
will therefore remain in open debate as Task 13 insufficiently covers the
subject at present. This also remains an area that requires future research, as
there is a relative dearth of literature and research detailing how such
capabilities can or have been put to use by states in their aspiration to
develop. Examples are the Brazilian opening up of the Amazon and the role of
the French military in driving industry after the Second World War.
The respondent also assured the
participants that whether in Defence of the Republic, in defence of vital
interests or in grave circumstances – the first consideration was collaborative
security. Moreover, it was noted that deterrence spoke of collaborative
deterrence in the region through cooperative and mutual defence pacts.
Therefore an extremely important part of setting the strategic agenda as well
as prevention and deterrence was the APSA, in which defence posture was cooperative
and collaborative and unilateral action was a last resort.
In regards to gender issues a
specific consultation event was proposed. While gender is not addressed as a
subject as the document aims to speak to policy that is gender neutral, and as
such a specific public participation would result in important insights and
outcomes.
Conclusion
The conference concluded by
noting that while the DR could come across as a manual to fix the DoD, it was
nevertheless a massive and necessary task, and the reader could apprehend the
challenges and complexities of the task at hand. It was argued that the DR was visionary,
which had the advantage of aspiring towards the ideal and was not limited and
narrow. Indeed, it acknowledged that aspirations could not be fulfilled in the
short term. A renewed defence and security debate is required, as it is hugely
important that these discussions be taken out of a closed circle on an on-going
basis.
List of Acronyms and
Abbreviations
ANC African
National Congress
APSA African
Peace and Security Architecture
ARMSCOR Armaments
Corporation of South Africa
ASF African
Standby Force
AU African
Union
AUPSC African
Union Peace and Security Council
CSANDF Chief
of the South African National Defence Force
CEWS Continental
Early Warning System
CSBM Confidence
and Security Building Measures
CSIR Council for
Scientific and Industrial Research
DIRCO Department
of International Relations and Cooperation
DoD Department
of Defence
DR Defence
Review
DRC Defence
Review Committee
DSR Department
of Science and Technology
DTI Department
of Trade and Industry
FD Force
Design
FS Force
Structure
IG Inspector
General
JSCI Joint
Standing Committee on Intelligence
MoD Ministry
of Defence
MSDS Military
Skills Development System
PSMC Private
Security and Military Companies
SADC Southern
African Development Community
SAAF South
African Air Force
SANDF South
African National Defence Force
UN United
Nations
VVIP Very
Very Important Person